Saturday, 26 January 2013
Tuesday, 22 January 2013
Banning 'Perdition'.
This is about the mid-eighties banning of the play 'Perdition'.
There's lots to see and lot's to think about and you'll come to your own conclusions.
But whatever you do, don't miss the bit at about 9' 30" of Part 2 where Jim Allen, who wrote the play, is asked if he could imagine a play that he would wish to prevent.
Allen's response made me want to run away and bury my head.
P.S. Just one other thought: Apart from Marion Wolfson, is there anyone in this programme who is worth the time of day? I don't think so.
Robert Kee the presenter who slobbers all over the horrible Hugo Gryn. Gryn himself, the worst possible professional Holocaust survivor – a sort of mini Elie Wiesel – who made a living out of uttering moral platitudes, no doubt gained during his brief sojourn in Auschwitz. High on his list of priorities was, of course, the maintenance of Jewish power generally and Israeli and Zionist power specifically.
There's lots to see and lot's to think about and you'll come to your own conclusions.
But whatever you do, don't miss the bit at about 9' 30" of Part 2 where Jim Allen, who wrote the play, is asked if he could imagine a play that he would wish to prevent.
Allen's response made me want to run away and bury my head.
P.S. Just one other thought: Apart from Marion Wolfson, is there anyone in this programme who is worth the time of day? I don't think so.
Look at them - apart from Marion
Woolfson, not one of them is worth a light.
Robert Kee the presenter who slobbers all over the horrible Hugo Gryn. Gryn himself, the worst possible professional Holocaust survivor – a sort of mini Elie Wiesel – who made a living out of uttering moral platitudes, no doubt gained during his brief sojourn in Auschwitz. High on his list of priorities was, of course, the maintenance of Jewish power generally and Israeli and Zionist power specifically.
Then there’s Martin Gilbert – Jew and Court Historian par excellance who also
has made a very good living indeed out of the Holocaust.
Finally there’s Lenni Brenner. Now, what to make of him? Don’t really know
except to note that he’s a Marxist Jew. ‘Nuff said.
Cultural Destruction by Peter Gebbert
Vladimir Lenin, leader of the Bolshevik Revolution criticizes antisemitism in Russia. He said "this is a survival of ancient feudal times, when priests burned heretics at the stake."
According to Wikipedia's article on the Soviet Union, "In Soviet law, the 'freedom to hold religious services' was constitutionally guaranteed, although the ruling Communist Party regarded religion as incompatible with the Marxist spirit of scientific materialism. In practice, the Soviet system subscribed to a narrow interpretation of this right, and in fact utilized a range of official measures to discourage religion and curb the activities of religious groups." Christianity had been the dominant religion in the Russian Empire prior to communist rule, Islam was significant in the Asian part of the empire. Jews were a minority, but played a major role in the Russian Revolution. I think wikipedia’s description of religion in the Soviet Union applies similarly to many or most western countries, to varying degrees. Freedom of religion is guaranteed, but it’s not encouraged by governments or the media. Forbidding Christmas display’s in many towns and cities across the USA is one example of how things are.
Historian Mark Weber wrote:
Lenin himself was of mostly Russian and Kalmuck ancestry, but he was also one-quarter Jewish. His maternal grandfather, Israel (Alexander) Blank, was a Ukrainian Jew who was later baptized into the Russian Orthodox Church. 1
Discussing the Soviet Union’s concentration camp system, historian Valentyn Moroz wrote:
In the following discussion on Jeff Rense’s radio program (January 15, 2013) Gilad Atzmon spoke about the Spanish Civil War (1936 - 1939) fought between Republican Armed Forces (backed by fascists) and the leftist government (backed by communists).
Mr. Atzmon said the sons and daughters of the Lincoln Brigade are the Neo-Conservatives that are blowing up the Palestinians and the rest of the middle east in support of Israel today.
Speaking of the communist forces Atzmon said the following:
1) "Twenty five percent of the foreign divisions was made of Jews"
2) "More than 50% of the Abraham Lincoln Brigade and the vast majority of the Russian Brigade" were Jews.
3) "The Russian Brigade burned twenty thousand churches in Spain. They killed around seven thousand clergymen, three hundred bishops, they slaughtered Spanish people" He stated these estimates requires further verification.
http://www.divshare.com/download/23485084-936
In view of what Germany did in the 1930’s and 1940’s, or what historians think they did, someone might say that Germany had no right to criticize anyone. But one thing is for sure, with a population of about 500,000 Jews in 1933, Germany did not kill millions of Jews before the outbreak of war in 1939. The worst occurrence of violence against Jews in those years was Kristallnacht in 1938, which according to Wikipedia took the lives of “at least 91 Jews.” This was a crime, but nothing on the scale the propaganda in those days or even today that the media would have people believe. In this speech Josef Goebbels discusses “the murder of priests and rape of nuns” in his warning that the same forces want to bring this to the rest of Europe. In Peter Robinson's interview with Patrick J Buchanan: "Suicide of a Superpower” three American presidents were quoted:
Woodrow Wilson (1913 - 1921): "America was born a Christian nation"
Harry Truman (1945 - 1953): "This is a Christian nation"
Barack Obama (2009 - today): "We do not consider ourselves a Christian nation"
In this interview the American born Zionist Barbara Spectre says Jews will lead the transformation of Europe into being multi-cultural countries. It appears to be obvious she has one standard for Jews and another for Europe: Like many or most people, I believed that multiculturalism would bring people together, promote understanding and prevent future wars. I’m not sure that without promoting multiculturalism people wouldn’t be interested in other cultures, travel, making friends, etc. I have to wonder if this isn’t a ruse to destroy the different cultures of the world.
1. Mark Weber, The Jewish Role in the Bolshevik Revolution and Russia's Early Soviet Regime , 1994, http://www.ihr.org/jhr/v14/v14n1p-4_Weber.html
2. Valentyn Moroz, Nationalism and Genocide: The Origin of the Artificial Famine of 1932-1933 in Ukraine, 1986, http://www.ihr.org/jhr/v06/v06p207_Moroz.html
3. Peter Robinson interviews author Patrick J. Buchanan, Suicide of a Superpower, https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=3GG1rFA_QEk
According to Wikipedia's article on the Soviet Union, "In Soviet law, the 'freedom to hold religious services' was constitutionally guaranteed, although the ruling Communist Party regarded religion as incompatible with the Marxist spirit of scientific materialism. In practice, the Soviet system subscribed to a narrow interpretation of this right, and in fact utilized a range of official measures to discourage religion and curb the activities of religious groups." Christianity had been the dominant religion in the Russian Empire prior to communist rule, Islam was significant in the Asian part of the empire. Jews were a minority, but played a major role in the Russian Revolution. I think wikipedia’s description of religion in the Soviet Union applies similarly to many or most western countries, to varying degrees. Freedom of religion is guaranteed, but it’s not encouraged by governments or the media. Forbidding Christmas display’s in many towns and cities across the USA is one example of how things are.
Historian Mark Weber wrote:
With the notable exception of Lenin (Vladimir Ulyanov), most of the leading Communists who took control of Russia in 1917-20 were Jews. Leon Trotsky (Lev Bronstein) headed the Red Army and, for a time, was chief of Soviet foreign affairs. Yakov Sverdlov (Solomon) was both the Bolshevik party's executive secretary and -- as chairman of the Central Executive Committee -- head of the Soviet government. Grigori Zinoviev (Radomyslsky) headed the Communist International (Comintern), the central agency for spreading revolution in foreign countries. Other prominent Jews included press commissar Karl Radek (Sobelsohn), foreign affairs commissar Maxim Litvinov (Wallach), Lev Kamenev (Rosenfeld) and Moisei Uritsky.
Lenin himself was of mostly Russian and Kalmuck ancestry, but he was also one-quarter Jewish. His maternal grandfather, Israel (Alexander) Blank, was a Ukrainian Jew who was later baptized into the Russian Orthodox Church. 1
Discussing the Soviet Union’s concentration camp system, historian Valentyn Moroz wrote:
The gruesome record is well documented. Nobel prize-winning author Aleksandr Solzhenitsyn has detailed the horrors of the Soviet concentration camp system, which held up to fifteen million prisoners at a time. In The Great Terror, British historian Robert Conquest cautiously estimated the number of Stalin's political victims at 20 to 30 million. (Stalin once privately admitted to Churchill that some ten million kulaks had been killed for resisting the confiscation of their farms.)and
Stalin's single most horrific campaign was perhaps the organized mass starvation of 1932-1933, which he used as a weapon to totally crush peasant resistance to the forced collectivization of agriculture. Soviet military units confiscated all available food in vast areas, condemning the inhabitants to death by hunger. As Conquest points out, this is perhaps the only case in history of a purely man-made famine. He estimates that the campaign claimed five to six million lives, including more than three million Ukrainians. Other historians have put the number of Ukrainian famine victims at six or even seven million. 2
In the following discussion on Jeff Rense’s radio program (January 15, 2013) Gilad Atzmon spoke about the Spanish Civil War (1936 - 1939) fought between Republican Armed Forces (backed by fascists) and the leftist government (backed by communists).
Mr. Atzmon said the sons and daughters of the Lincoln Brigade are the Neo-Conservatives that are blowing up the Palestinians and the rest of the middle east in support of Israel today.
Speaking of the communist forces Atzmon said the following:
1) "Twenty five percent of the foreign divisions was made of Jews"
2) "More than 50% of the Abraham Lincoln Brigade and the vast majority of the Russian Brigade" were Jews.
3) "The Russian Brigade burned twenty thousand churches in Spain. They killed around seven thousand clergymen, three hundred bishops, they slaughtered Spanish people" He stated these estimates requires further verification.
http://www.divshare.com/download/23485084-936
In view of what Germany did in the 1930’s and 1940’s, or what historians think they did, someone might say that Germany had no right to criticize anyone. But one thing is for sure, with a population of about 500,000 Jews in 1933, Germany did not kill millions of Jews before the outbreak of war in 1939. The worst occurrence of violence against Jews in those years was Kristallnacht in 1938, which according to Wikipedia took the lives of “at least 91 Jews.” This was a crime, but nothing on the scale the propaganda in those days or even today that the media would have people believe. In this speech Josef Goebbels discusses “the murder of priests and rape of nuns” in his warning that the same forces want to bring this to the rest of Europe. In Peter Robinson's interview with Patrick J Buchanan: "Suicide of a Superpower” three American presidents were quoted:
Woodrow Wilson (1913 - 1921): "America was born a Christian nation"
Harry Truman (1945 - 1953): "This is a Christian nation"
Barack Obama (2009 - today): "We do not consider ourselves a Christian nation"
In this interview the American born Zionist Barbara Spectre says Jews will lead the transformation of Europe into being multi-cultural countries. It appears to be obvious she has one standard for Jews and another for Europe: Like many or most people, I believed that multiculturalism would bring people together, promote understanding and prevent future wars. I’m not sure that without promoting multiculturalism people wouldn’t be interested in other cultures, travel, making friends, etc. I have to wonder if this isn’t a ruse to destroy the different cultures of the world.
1. Mark Weber, The Jewish Role in the Bolshevik Revolution and Russia's Early Soviet Regime , 1994, http://www.ihr.org/jhr/v14/v14n1p-4_Weber.html
2. Valentyn Moroz, Nationalism and Genocide: The Origin of the Artificial Famine of 1932-1933 in Ukraine, 1986, http://www.ihr.org/jhr/v06/v06p207_Moroz.html
3. Peter Robinson interviews author Patrick J. Buchanan, Suicide of a Superpower, https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=3GG1rFA_QEk
How Whites took over America
This reminds me of those Jews who turn up in Hebron to set up home and, when challenged say "What! Are you saying that Jews may not live in Hebron?"
Monday, 21 January 2013
Report from outside Beth Israel - Just keep on hanging there!
This is the latest report from outside Beth Israel Temple, Ann Arbor, Michigan
It's particularly interesting to me because it underlines the power of the 'lone soldier on the cross' - the immense power of the single individual who just keeps on hanging there. Nelson Mandela understood it (so much so, that they ended up begging him to come out of jail). Ernst Zundel understood it too and, of course, Jesus Himself absolutely understood it.
And while you're at it, check out some other points of interest. Read the AIPAC text below the report and don't miss the fascinating activities of Colonel Richard Kemp.
And by the way, if you're still wondering about the ethics or otherwise of mounting vigils outside synagogues - just check where the AIPAC event is being held!
And by the way, if you're still wondering about the ethics or otherwise of mounting vigils outside synagogues - just check where the AIPAC event is being held!
Revving up the Taxi
Squad
Bad decision, according to
73-year-old vigiler F, who informed all that he was planning to protest the
Lobby, which is presently stealing the US government's foreign policy decisions
from "We the People", by himself.
Part of the perceived
problem of this particular protest lies in the physical location of this
fortress, aka Shaary Zedek synagogue. Though its peaked roof is visible from a
nearby expressway, the place is situated on two small, low-trafficked streets.
Not an ideal location for a public protest.
Still, Vigiler F feels that
this criminal theft of his government should not go unanswered, and that – as
Paul Eisen puts it – even one person is a vigil. Would Jews in the 1930's permit
a meeting of the German-American Bund to proceed without a protest? We think
not.
So, embarrassed into revving
up the taxi squad, we can report the commitment of five, dedicated and fully
peace-trained protesters to travel the 40 miles to this "house of warship", and
shine the light of truth – however small – on the most powerful lobbying group
which has ever invaded and occupied the US Congress. Please join us: Our
protest will run from 5:45 – 7:15 pm on Monday, January 28 at
27375 Bell
Road ,
Southfield , Michigan .
Nine vigilers
We are
anti-"Israel "; are you?
Henry Herskovitz
Jewish Witnesses for Peace and
Friends
The 2013
Michigan Winter Event
Congregation SHAAREY ZEDEK and
AIPAC CorDIALLY INVITE YOU TO
THE 2013
MICHIGAN WINTER EVENT
On the Battlefield:
Israel 's Legacy of Morality
FEATURED
SPEAKER:
Col. Richard
Kemp
Former
Commander,
British Troops in
Afghanistan
*The reception is exclusively
for Club Members who have generously contributed a minimum of $1,500 to AIPAC's
2013 annual campaign.
Congregation Shaarey
Zedek
ADVANCE RESERVATIONS
REQUESTED
To RSVP please
contact
Brittany Cohen at (312)
253-8968 or bcohen@aipac.org.
Please respond by January
21.
The event is free and open to
the community.
Dietary Laws
Observed.
About Colonel Richard
Kemp
Colonel Richard Kemp has been
actively involved in fighting terrorists around the globe for 35 years. He was
Commander of all British Forces in Afghanistan with responsibility for counter insurgency
operations, disarmament and reintegration programs, development and training of
the Afghan national security forces, reconstruction and defense diplomacy. He
set up a joint counter terrorist operation with
U.S. , Canadian and Afghan forces that achieved major
operational success against Al Qaida terrorists in
Kabul .
He spent the last five years
of his three decade military career at the UK Cabinet Office in
Whitehall . He was a member of the Cobra national crisis
management committee and chairman of the Cobra Intelligence Group. He was an
active member of the groundbreaking UK-U.S. Joint International Security
Strategy Group. He headed the Joint Intelligence Committee’s international and
domestic terrorism team and the Iraq politics and security team, responsible for
UK national intelligence assessments. He made many
fact-finding trips to Iraq , and in 2005 worked in
Baghdad , Fallujah and northern
Iraq on intelligence and counter terrorism for the
US Ambassador.
Previously Colonel Kemp
completed a total of 14 active duty tours as a military commander in
Northern
Ireland
and in many global hotspots. Working alongside
U.S. forces, he took part in the liberation of
Kuwait in 1991. He commanded British troops in the United
Nations Protection Force in Bosnia and was counter terrorism adviser to the Macedonian
government. He was made Commander of the Order of the British Empire
(CBE ) for his work on the July 2005 London bombings and
in Iraq; Member of the Order of the British Empire (MBE) for intelligence work
in Northern Ireland; and was awarded the Queen’s Commendation for Bravery for
his action during the Bosnia conflict.
Colonel Kemp is Special
Adviser on international terrorism to the House of Commons Home Affairs Select
Committee, a commentator in the national and international print and broadcast
media on defense and security, and author of “Attack State Red”, a best-selling
book about the conflict in Afghanistan .
With Colonel Kemp’s years of
service has come a unique understanding of the critical decisions military
leaders must make during times of war including decisions of life and death, of
morality, humanity and ethics. An example of this is when in 2009, Colonel Kemp
carefully studied Israel ’s actions in Gaza - a defensive operation following years of
unrelenting Hamas rocket and mortar attacks on Israeli civilians. When he heard
that former Judge Richard Goldstone was
conducting an investigation into Israel ’s operation on behalf of the United Nations Human
Rights Council, Colonel Kemp immediately offered up his findings and valuable
analysis. Judge Goldstone declined the offer. A few months later, the Human
Rights Council was holding an emergency session to discuss Judge Goldstone’s
findings – also known as the Goldstone Report. Given that it was an open
session, Colonel Kemp was able to present his unbiased analysis. He has sought
to provide objective, expert commentary and analysis on that subject as well as
more widely on Israel ’s security including conflict with Hizballah and the
Gaza “flotilla”
incident.
The Black Civil Rights Movement and Zionism by Lenni Brenner
Just after Martin Luther King Day here is historian Lenni Brenner's new article looking at various Black civil rights leaders and their views regarding Zionism.
by Lenni Brenner
If you asked today’s American college students when the civil rights movement began, most would say “when Rosa Parks disobeyed a bus driver’s order to give her seat to a white.” She was arrested on December 1, 1955. On December 5th, after her trial and the first day of the Black bus boycott, a meeting in the Mt. Zion AME Church organized the Montgomery Improvement Association to lead the struggle. Martin Luther King Jr. was elected its president. In 1957, after strategy differences with King, Parks left Montgomery. She worked in Detroit as a seamstress. In 1965, Democratic Representative John Conyers hired her as his Detroit office secretary. She retired in 1988.
Americans easily understand the Montgomery Improvement Association’s establishment in the Mt. Zion Church. Most Black Americans were religious. They identified with the Hebrew slaves fleeing Egypt for “the promised land.” But, beyond specialists in Black-Jewish relations, Parks’ subsequent employment by by Conyers, a severe critic of Israel, and the later politics of the civil rights movement is unknown to today’s public. Therefore this article will focus on the evolution of America’s Black rights leaders and movements attitudes towards Zionism, from the founding of the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People in 1909, thru to 1994, when apartheid South Africa, Israel’s open ally, vanished into history.
The Black Struggle from 1909 to WWII
When Parks was arrested, she was the secretary of the Montgomery chapter of the NAACP. The national NAACP had only one Black, W.E.B. Du Bois, on its first executive board in 1909. His politics and the NAACP’s evolved, eventually in different ways, but he was always pro-Zionist.
“The African movement means to us what the Zionist movement must mean to the Jews, the centralization of race effort and the recognition of a racial fount.” [1]
In its early years the NAACP organized occasional protest marches but its primary arena soon became the courts. Post WW I, its place in the streets was taken by Marcus Garvey’s ‘back to Africa’ Universal Negro Improvement Association. Asked if he was imitating Benito Mussolini, he replied that Mussolini was imitating him. But men in military formations were needed in an era of anti-Black riots.
The UNIA grew to massive size until 1922, when Garvey was arrested for mail fraud re money collected for his Black Star Line, which would ultimately ship followers to Africa. Convicted in 1923, imprisoned in 1925, he was deported to Jamaica in 1927. Garvey always equated the UNIA to Zionism, even after blaming Jewish NAACP leaders for his prosecution.
Vladimir Lenin’s Bolsheviks came to power in Russia in 1917 and established the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics, based on ethnic equality. The Communist Party here made Black rights a top priority and attracted the attention of Black intellectuals. After Lenin died in 1924, party secretary Joseph Stalin converted the USSR into a personal dictatorship and the CPUSA took his commands to be holy writ. Stalin and Communist parties everywhere, including Palestine, opposed Zionism, but it was not an issue in their involvement in the Black struggle.
In 1928, the CPUSA called for a Black republic in the areas of the American south where they were the majority. This attracted some Blacks, but more important was the CP’s legal defense of the “Scottsboro boys,” nine young Blacks convicted in Alabama in 1931 of raping two white women and sentenced to death. The CP’s International Labor Defense took the case to the Supreme Court which declared that defendants are entitled to effective counsel and that no one may be de facto excluded from juries because of their race. White racist rage against “Communists” and “Jewish lawyers” served to establish the credibility of both among Blacks.
In July 1930, Wallace D. Fard Muhammad founded the Nation of Islam in Detroit. Among other things, it called for an independent Black state in America. In 1933 he established a security guard called the Fruit of Islam to defend the NOI and other Blacks against white racists.
Fard Muhammad left Detroit in 1934 and was never seen again. Before departing he conferred leadership of the NOI on one of his earliest followers, Elijah Poole, who changed his name to Elijah Muhammad. He preached that Wallace Fard Muhammad was Islam’s Mahdi and Christianity’s Messiah. The Nation and FOI were a small but visible presence in Black communities until the early 1950s, when Malcolm X, who had converted while in prison for burglary, became Elijah Muhammad’s chief lieutenant. Under Malcolm’s leadership the NOI became a mass movement and the FOI grew in every Black community.
It took the 1929 Depression, under a Republican President, to get northern Blacks to vote for a Democrat, Franklin D. Roosevelt, in 1932, in hope of improved economic conditions, but they had few illusions about their new party. It ruled the legally racially segregated “solid south” and many northern states where landlords and employers could discriminate or not, at their option. There were no Black Democratic convention delegates until 1940.
In 1934, Stalin anticipated a second world war with Britain, France, the U.S. and the Soviets against Hitler. Unofficially, so as not to embarrass him, the CP supported Roosevelt, putting it in tandem with Black voters. It was central in organizing the Congress of Industrial Organizations, a rival to the almost universally racist American Federation of Labor. Hundreds of thousands of workers, many Black, joined CP-led unions. By 1939 the CP grew to 90,000 members, many Jewish or Black. Singer Paul Robeson, while not formally a CP member, was royally treated in the Soviet Union and helped make the CP a major force in the Black community.
In 1938, Trinidad-born C.L.R. James, author of The Black Jacobins: Toussaint L'Ouverture and the San Domingo Revolution, came to the U.S. and joined the Trotskyist Socialist Workers Party. In 1939, under his influence, the SWP declared that, if America’s Blacks wanted their own state in the south, they would support the demand. The SWP was very small, but James’ book made him well known to Black intellectuals, worldwide.
In 1939, after Britain and France signed the Munich pact with Hitler, Stalin reversed himself and made the Hitler-Stalin pact. Thousands of Jews quit the CP in disgust, but Bayard Rustin, a gay Black Quaker member of the Young Communist League since 1936, stayed on. In 1941 the YCL assigned him to fight against U.S. military segregation, then called off the campaign when the Nazis invaded the Soviet Union. He quit in disgust and joined A. Philip Randolph (1889 – 1979), president of the Brotherhood of Sleeping Car Porters, in calling for a Black march on Washington against racial discrimination in war industries and segregation in the military. The march was cancelled after Roosevelt issued Executive Order 8802, banning war industry discrimination. The military remained segregated, but the Executive Order was seen by many Blacks as a partial victory.
Rustin went to prison in 1944 for violating the WWII draft law. He could have accepted a religious pacifist civilian work assignment, but chose prison, feeling that his political opposition to war was more important than his religious concerns.
The Cold War Era
With Hitler’s defeat, Democratic President Harry Truman faced a very different enemy, foreign and domestic. The USSR was seen by many Blacks as for their rights. Many thousands of Blacks were in CP-led unions. In 1947, Randolph formed the Committee Against Jim Crow in Military Service, later renamed the League for Non-Violent Civil Disobedience. Truman had two concerns. If the U.S. faced off militarily with any Communist foe, it would try to get Blacks in the segregated military to mutiny, and he was hoping to get elected in 1948.
Vice President Truman became President when Roosevelt died in 1945. In 1948, one of his opponents was Henry Wallace, his predecessor as Roosevelt’s Vice President (1941–1945). During anti-Black riots in Detroit in 1943, Wallace declared that America couldn’t "fight to crush Nazi brutality abroad and condone race riots at home." Such politics were too left for Roosevelt and he chose Senator Truman, front man for the notoriously corrupt Kansas City, Missouri Democratic “machine,” to run with him in 1944. Every poll predicted Truman’s defeat. If he lost enough Black votes to Wallace he was certain to lose. So, on July 26, 1948, he abolished military racial segregation via Executive Order 9981.
Wallace got only 2.4 percent of the national vote, but even after 9981 and a civil rights plank in the Democratic Party platform, the first in its history, he received one third of the Black vote. Prominent Blacks supported him including heavyweight boxing champion Joe Louis, singer Lena Horne, Robeson and Du Bois. This led to the NAACP terminating Du Bois’ employment, but Zionism wasn’t an issue in the rupture. The NAACP’s leaders were for Truman, who raced Stalin to be the first to recognize the new Israeli state.
Wallace opposed the “cold war” and was running as the candidate of the Progressive Party, created for the occasion by the CP. It maintained Lenin’s anti-Zionist line until 1947, when Moscow suddenly declared its support for the creation of Israel. The scholarly consensus is that Stalin wanted Britain, Palestine’s Mandatory ruler, out of the Middle East. None of London’s Arab satraps were interested in rebelling against their overlord and Stalin thought Zionist success in kicking the British out would, somehow, force Britain’s Arab puppets to try to do likewise.
Until the late 40s, most Jewish men were blue collar workers. In the 30s, almost all Jewish union leaders opposed Zionism. When their bosses gave donations to Zionist charities they felt that the money should have gone to their members as wages. This changed dramatically after the Holocaust. A nationalist wave swept through American Jewry. In Manhattan, thousands of Jews and others marched and danced around the New York Times tower when its electronic sign announced the creation of Israel. That demonstration was organized by the CP and Black CPers were among the dancers.
There were two reasons why Truman overruled his “the Arabs got the oil” oriented State Department and recognized the new state in 1948. In her book, Harry S. Truman, his daughter Margaret related how “On October 6,1947, Bob Hannegan,” the Democratic National Chairman,
“almost made a speech, pointing out how many Jews were major contributors to the Democratic Party‘s campaign fund and were expecting the United States to support the Zionists’ position on Palestine.” [2]
The other reason was the Progressive Party’s strength among Jews and Blacks in New York, the home state of Thomas Dewey, his pro-Zionist Republican opponent. Truman feared that, unless he backed Zionism, rich Jews would fund Dewey, Jewish workers would vote Progressive and he would lose the state. In fact Truman did lose it but, to everyone’s amazement, won the national election.
Two years later, in 1950, Du Bois ran for the U.S. Senate as the candidate of the American Labor Party, the Progressive Party’s New York affiliate, and received almost 210,000 votes, and 12.8 per cent of Harlem’s count.
With Stalin it was always gyrations. His own pro-Zionist politics generated enthusiasm for Israel among Soviet Jews which he equated with disloyalty to him. In November 1948 he began a purge of “cosmopolitans,” almost always with Jewish names or with their Jewish birth name in brackets next to their later Russian name. On January 13, 1953, a group of doctors was accused of being agents of a Zionist conspiracy to poison him and other Soviet leaders. He died on March 5, 1953 and the new Soviet leadership exonerated the doctors in a March 31 decree.
Many Jews left the CPUSA, usually with their Times Tower politics and pro-civil rights feelings intact. Those still loyal after 1953 simply used the exoneration to wash away Stalin’s anti-Semitism and their zeal for him in that period. Thereafter the CP supported the Soviet Union’s alliances with Palestinian movements and Arab regimes, but it always opposed the call for a democratic secular binational state. Party members and CP-led unions continued to play important roles in the civil rights movement.
Although Black voters backed pro-Zionist candidates, Israel wasn’t a Black election issue in 1948. But on September 17, Sweden's Count Folke Bernadotte, the U.N. mediator in the Arab-Israeli conflict, was assassinated by the Lohamei Herut Israel, Fighters for the Freedom of Israel (aka the Stern gang), and Ralph Bunche, a Black American diplomat, took his place. He worked out the 1949 Armistice Agreements between Israel and Egypt, Lebanon, Jordan, and Syria, establishing the armistice line between Israel and Jordan, now known as the Green Line.
Most educated Blacks saw Bunche’s Armistice as sanctification of Israel’s existence, especially so after 1950, when Bunche won the Noble Peace Prize. This pro-Zionist spin was later reinforced when Bunche participated in the 1963 March on Washington and the Selma to Montgomery march that led to the passage of the 1965 Voting Rights Act.
This same period also saw a rival left involvement in the civil rights movement that produced what comes off today as amazing secular prophesy. In 1946-48, Daniel Guerin, a French Trotskyist, visited the southern U.S. In Negroes on the March, copyright 1951, he assessed the NAACP:
"In Mobile, Ala., an important industrial city, the NAACP branch numbered 2,000 members when I was there, but I could not find a single worker among them. One of the few places where I saw a branch with a relatively proletarian composition was Montgomery, Ala.; the reason for this happy exception was that the branch secretary was also a trade union official....
A living example of this evolution was presented to me by E.D. Nixon of Montgomery, Ala., a vigorous colored union militant who was the leading spirit in his city both of the local union of Sleeping Car Porters and the local branch of the NAACP. What a difference from the other branches of the Association, which are controlled by dentists, pastors and undertakers!” [3]
Leftist presence in the civil rights movement automatically meant FBI spying. In June 1952, a CP informer brought Stanley Levison, a New York lawyer and realtor, to the FBI’s attention. He was supposed to be a secret major CP financier since the end of WWII. In 1955 he, Rustin and others set up In Friendship to send money to southern Black activists.
Rustin introduced Levison to King in 1956 and he soon became King’s good right hand. He set up the MIA’s first mail-solicitations for funds, and helped King get the contract for his first book, Stride Towards Freedom, and wrote parts of it. On September 20, 1958, King was stabbed by Izola Curry, a mad Black woman, while promoting the book, and Levison became central to the financing of King’s Southern Christian Leadership Conference while he recovered.
Levison drifted away from the CP before he met King. But he refused an FBI request that he inform on the party and took the 5th Amendment when called before a Senate committee. That made the Kennedy brothers and FBI Director J. Edgar Hoover think that might he still might be a covert CPer. On June 22, 1963, President John Kennedy told King that he should drop Levison. He wouldn’t abandon his confidant and, on October 10, 1963, Attorney General Robert Kennedy, violating the 1st Amendment’s guarantees of freedom of religion and speech, authorized wiretapping King. The FBI soon bugged his hotel rooms, taping his extra-marital affairs. Eventually they sent the tapes to King, hoping that they would drive him to suicide. [4] Spying continued until his 1968 assassination.
In reality, Levison had shifted his allegiance to the Zionist American Jewish Congress and ran its Upper West Side Manhattan branch. This is understandable, given his CP involvement during its Times Tower phase. Rabbi Stephen Wise (1874–1949), founder of the American Jewish Congress in 1918, had been a NAACP national board member since 1914, but many scholars, including pro-Zionists, consider his Nazi era behavior disgraceful. According to Saul Friedlander, "In the spring of 1941, Rabbi Wise had decided to impose a complete embargo on all aid sent to Jews in occupied countries, in compliance with the U.S. government's economic boycott of the Axis powers.” [5] On December 2, 1942, after reports of the slaughter in the Ukraine reached the West, he wrote a letter to “Dear Boss,” Franklin Roosevelt, asking for a meeting and informing him that “I have had cables and underground advices for some months, telling of these things. I succeeded, together with the heads of other Jewish organizations, in keeping them out of the press.” [6]
When Peter Bergson, a rival Zionist, organized a “They Shall Never Die” pageant to mobilize pressure on Roosevelt to rescue Jews, the AJC kept it out of auditoriums wherever it could. [7] Du Bois and Randolph signed Bergson’s newspaper ads and Walter White, then the NAACP Director, spoke at his 1943 Emergency Conference to Save the Jewish People of Europe.
There is no evidence that Levison knew this when he joined AJC, or that he was its agent in the civil rights movement. On the contrary, he was King’s ‘agent’ in getting support from the Jewish establishment. King knew that few southern Jews joined the civil rights movement, but declared that “the national Jewish bodies have been most helpful.” [8]
The night before his murder, he famously proclaimed that he had “been to the mountaintop.... And I've seen the promised land. I may not get there with you. But I want you to know tonight, that we, as a people, will get to the promised land.” In fact he had actually been to Palestine.
In 1959, under the influence of Rustin and the Quakers, King went to Mohandas Gandhi’s Indian birthplace to study satyagraha, Gandhi’s resistance to tyranny through mass civil disobedience. He returned via Jordan and visited Jericho and Jerusalem‘s “old city.” It was then impossible to go to through the Mandelbaum Gate between the Israeli and Jordanian sectors of Jerusalem, and he returned home by way of Egypt and Greece, but the visit and the fact that he couldn’t go through the checkpoint remained prominent in his thinking. Indeed he referred to his traveling the road from Jericho to Jerusalem - where a Biblical Hebrew was rescued by a good Samaritan, after other Jews ignored his misery - in his last, immortal, speech.
In 1961 W.E.B. Du Bois joined the American Communist Party, became a citizen of Ghana and, still pro-Zionist, died there in 1963, only days before King’s celebrated “I have a dream" speech. King was the greatest American orator since Lincoln, but Rustin put together the speakers list for the massive August 28, 1963 March on Washington. King spoke immediately after Joachim Prinz (1902-1988), President of the AJC, 1958–1966:
“When I was the rabbi of the Jewish community in Berlin under the Hitler regime, I learned many things. The most important thing that I learned... was that bigotry and hatred are not the most urgent problems. The most urgent... and the most tragic problem is silence.” [9]
In reality he had been an eager collaborator with Nazism. In 1937, in America, he wrote about Germany. His article described the Zionist mood in 1933:
“The government announced very solemnly that there was no country in the world which tried to solve the Jewish problem as seriously as did Germany. Solution of the Jewish question? It was our Zionist dream! We never denied the existence of the Jewish question! Dissimilation? It was our own appeal! ... In a statement notable for its pride and dignity, we called for a conference.” [10]
On February 8, 1981, I interviewed him.
Brenner: “What made you think that you could represent the Jews in dealing with the Nazi government?”
Prinz: “Oh, we thought, in our discussions with intellectuals in the SS movement, that the time would come when they would say, ‘Yes, you live in Germany, you are Jewish people, you are different from us, but we will not kill you, we will permit you to live your own cultural life, and develop your own national capacities and dreams.’ We thought, at the beginning of the Hitler regime that such a very frank discussion was possible. We found among the SS intellectuals, some people were ready for such a talk. But of course such a talk never took place because the radical element in the Nazi movement won out.” [11]
How did a wannabe collaborator with Hitler come to speak with King? As I was leaving, after the taped interview, he told me that “When I got to America, everything I believed in Germany sounded crazy to me.” I’ve never doubted his honesty. The 1963 rabbi was very different from the 1933 rabbi, and Rustin and King knew nothing about that rabbi. They, like most Jews and gentiles of that era, knew little of Zionism’s history.
Although the March was massive, Malcolm X called it a “farce.” On October 11, 1963 Malcolm spoke outdoors to thousands at the University of California’s Berkeley campus. The NOI’s representative had nothing good to say about the racially integrationist civil rights movement. But after the rally, with the microphone off, two men went up to the podium. I heard one say, in accented English, “Minister Malcolm, we think your talk was very good. But we are from Iran, a Muslim country. There is nothing about race in the Koran or Islam.” Malcolm looked at them, without moving or saying a word, for over a minute, until a U.C. official took his arm and led him off the podium.
On November 22, President Kennedy was assassinated. On December 1, Malcolm was asked about it and declared it “chickens coming home to roost” and Elijah Muhammad ordered him silent for three months. During that period Malcolm heard rumors about Muhammad's extramarital affairs with young secretaries. On March 8, 1964, he announced his break from the NOI, claiming Muhammad confirmed the rumors. He converted to Sunni Islam, and set up the Organization of Afro-American Unity, a secular Black nationalist movement.
On March 26, he met King at a Senate debate on the Civil Rights bill outlawing unequal voter registration requirements, racial segregation in schools, workplaces and public accommodations. They were photographed warmly smiling and shaking hands. [12]
In April he went to Mecca, saw those Iranians were correct, visited several Arab and Black African countries and returned to the U.S., eager to work with all races for worldwide human rights. The SWP asked him to speak at its New York Militant Forum and he did so three times. He and the SWP discussed having its Young Socialist Alliance organize a national college tour for him. Then, on February 21, 1965, he was assassinated by members of the NOI at a public OAAU meeting.
America’s Blacks were outraged. The Harlem NOI mosque was torched and NOI members were attacked in other places. Tens of thousands viewed his body before his funeral. Rustin and Andrew Young from SCLC, John Lewis from the Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee, were among many civil rights leaders at the televised wake. Actor Ossie Davis delivered an acclaimed eulogy for "our shining black prince." King telegrammed Betty Shabazz, expressing sadness over "the shocking and tragic assassination of your husband. While we did not always see eye to eye on methods to solve the race problem, I always had a deep affection for Malcolm and felt that he had a great ability to put his finger on the existence and root of the problem." [13]
After his death, the SWP’s Pathfinder Press published many of Malcolm’s speeches and their evaluations of his development. They saw his strengths and weaknesses:
“At a press conference held on the day of his return to New York.... he was also asked if he still thought Negroes should return to Africa.... Malcolm X replied that after speaking to African leaders he was convinced that ‘If Black men become involved in a philosophical, cultural and psychological migration back to Africa, they will benefit greatly in this country.’ He compared this to the benefits that Jews had derived from their identification with Israel.”
Editor George Breitman cited “overgenerous remarks Malcolm made about Prince Feisal, who had shown Malcolm extraordinary courtesies in an emotionally tense period during his trip to Mecca.... Malcolm did fail, on occasion, to differentiate sufficiently between revolutionary and non revolutionary African, Arab and Asian leaders.”
But Breitman was correct. “The Last Year of Malcolm X” was indeed “The Evolution of a Revolutionary.” [14] His trip to Mecca converted him into an intense personal cosmopolitan and he realized that the SWP, a central element in the anti-Vietnam war movement, had a lot to teach him re the political side of that world view.
Martin Luther King, Black Power, Black Panthers and Zionism
That leftward evolution didn’t stop with Malcolm. Growing out of a February 1, 1960 Greensboro, North Carolina, Woolworth's sit-in, the Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee, (SNCC, pronounced “snick”) played a central role in the sit-ins, freedom rides and racially integrated voter registration drives over the next years. Its Chairman, John Lewis, prepared to make the most radical speech at the 1963 Washington march, including
“Kennedy is trying to take the revolution out of the streets and put it in the courts. Listen Mr. Kennedy, the black masses are on the march for jobs and for freedom, and we must say to the politicians that there won't be a 'cooling-off period.'" [15]
The Kennedy administration put pressure on Rustin and this statement was deleted from his speech but it reflected SNCC’s ever growing radicalism.
On the West Coast, Huey Newton heard me speak during the 1963 Cuban missile crisis. On October 16, 1964, he introduced himself to me in Oakland, California, in jail. Over four days we spent two hours discussing America, the civil rights movement, Marxism and Vietnam, but didn’t discuss Zionism. However, his Black Panther Party, founded on October 15, 1966, was anti-Zionist and worked with left Jews and other whites inside the Peace and Freedom Party. They called themselves Panthers from the ballot logo of SNCC’s Alabama Lowndes County Freedom Organization, in 1966 known for “Black Power” and anti-Zionism.
It was Trinidad-born Stokely Carmichael, SNCC’s chair after Lewis, who converted it into a Black organization and put “Black Power” into America’s political lexicon in a June 16, 1966 speech in Greenwood, Mississippi, but he always said he wasn’t the one who converted SNCC to anti-Zionism.
Born in 1941, he came to the New York at 11, after his mother proved that she was born in the Panama Canal Zone when it was governed by the U.S. He graduated from the world’s best high school. In his posthumous book, Ready For Revolution, he told us that
“At Bronx Science, I attended study camps with the Young Socialists and Young Communist groups. Here I learned to sing ‘Hava Nagella’ and to dance the hora. During the fifties, these young-left groups were unquestioningly pro-Zionist. Stalin had given arms to Zionist factions in 1948, and Israel was said to be progressive. End of story. There was no discussion at all of the rights of the Palestinian people. None.” [16]
His transition to anti-Zionism “was due almost entirely to the work of one courageous activist sister.” To protect her from retaliation, he never named her, but scholars say it was Ethel Minor, SNCC’s communications director. After college,
“She met Palestinians.... She began to investigate the issue.... she followed Malcolm into the Organization of Afro-American Unity. After his assassination, the sister joined SNCC, where she organized a study group on the question.... We found, to my surprise, that a great deal of the most incisive and persuasive critical writing was by Jewish writers.” [17]
His biggest shock “was discovering the close military, economic, and political alliance between the Israeli government and the racist apartheid regime in South Africa.” [18]
He related how “war was declared on SNCC” when the press reported a SNCC anti-Zionist position paper:
“No other civil rights organization had a position on the Middle East, and there were clear reasons for that. A good deal of their financial support came from mainstream liberals, quite often from progressive elements of the Jewish community.... So obviously there would be a price to pay.... But as Dr. King said, ‘There comes a time when silence is tantamount to consent.’” [19]
King said that in 1967, re the Vietnam war. But in 1966 he was among the civil rights leaders who denounced the notion of Black power, calling it “an unfortunate choice of words.” [20] And he only agreed to speak at an April 15, 1967 anti-war rally at the U.N. if Carmichael wasn’t allowed to speak. The organizers accepted his condition but then invited Carmichael, who spoke and led a marching group carrying Vietcong flags. By then King was so anti-war that, according to Murray Friedman’s 1995 What Went Wrong: The Creation and Collapse of the Black-Jewish Alliance, they went to Harry Belafonte’s home, where the three “exchanged views on future plans.” [21] We don’t know more about what they discussed, but Friedman and subsequent scholars understood that future joint public appearances would have served to further legitimatize Carmichael’s anti-Zionism, regardless of King’s personal opinion re Israel.
“Black Power” made Carmichael so famous that, three decades later, the Times reported his cancer diagnosis. This generated a 1996 letter from Anti-Defamation League National Director Abraham Foxman:
“Re your laudatory news article on Kwame Toure, formerly Stokely Carmichael (March 1): While working for civil rights is admirable, there is another side to Mr. Toure’s career that the article did not convey. Mr. Toure is an unabashed racial separatist and anti-Semite who often uses the slogan ‘the only good Zionist is a dead Zionist.’ His visits to college campuses have been followed by acts of anti-Semitism and violence.” [22]
I wrote the paper a letter, accompanied by an article by Carmichael. The Times called me. “Thank you very much for your letter.” It ran on March 16:
“As a Jewish leftist who worked with Mr. Toure against the Iraq war, I insist that he is not anti-Semitic. Mr. Toure’s nuanced position was expressed in the May 1991 Anti-War Activist newsletter.... 'Africans must transform the anti-war movement to an anti-capitalist and anti-Zionist movement.... The Zionists tried to chastise [Nelson] Mandela for his support for the P.L.O.... They control our community’s politicians. Look how they work harder for Israel than for Azania-South Africa! We must properly distinguish between Judaism and Zionism.’”
Mr. Toure’s hatred of Zionism, not Judaism or Jews is justified. Nathan Perlmutter, Mr. Foxman’s predecessor at the Anti-Defamation League, has written about why the organization would not join the group Trans-Africa in its demonstration against apartheid:
‘I cannot ignore the fact that the [African National] Congress’s literature is anti-Israel, highly sympathetic to the P.L.O. cause and tolerate of cooperation with the South African Communist Party. The lesson for us as Jews is not to engage our emotions in indignation about evil empires like South Africa. I think we too have a responsibility to determine whether or not that which stands in line to replace a current regime is better for the Jews or worse for the Jews’.” [23]
Did the Times caller’s “thank you” speak for its editors? No, but he certainly spoke for many of its readers, relieved that a civil rights icon hadn’t become anti-Semitic. In any case, the Times 1998 obit, “Stokely Carmichael, Rights Leader Who Coined 'Black Power,' Dies at 57,” heaped criticism on him, including King’s “an unfortunate choice of words,” and threw in a few praises: “Tall, slim, handsome.... Carmichael was arrested so often as a nonviolent volunteer that he lost count after 32.... a spellbinding orator,” but the obit said nothing re his anti-Zionism. [24]
The Times may not have known of the Belafonte meeting. It certainly didn’t know of their last meeting. In 1968, the Washington Post warned King that Carmichael would turn the Poor People’s Campaign into rioting. But, in 2003, Ready For Revolution told us that
“When Dr. King came into D.C., I went to see him. Of course I assured him that I and SNCC would never do anything to... jeopardize the campaign. He said, ‘Stokely, you don’t need to tell me that. I know you.’ I told him that Washington SNCC would organize the local community, the street people and youth gangs - to make sure they were cool. He said he’d appreciate that.... As I was leaving, he held onto my hand, looking worried. ‘Stokely, please be extra careful now. Avoid any unnecessary risks. Promise me.’ I recall laughing.... King repeated his warning.... Very soon I’d have reason to remember his mood at our last meeting.” [25]
Attorney General Eric Holder spoke at SNCC’s 50th year reunion in 2010. Knowing that Israel’s alliance with apartheid until its end is known to many Blacks, Holder didn’t utter a word against Carmichael.
In 1967, Nobel Peace Prize winner King signed a Times ad just before the June “six-day war,” calling on the U.S. to back Israel. But, according to Friedman,
“In a conversation with Levison and his other New York advisers the following day, King admitted to being confused. He had never actually seen the ad before it appeared, he told them. When he did, he was not happy with it. He felt it was unbalanced and pro-Israel, although he observed that it would probably help with the Jewish community.... his advisers, even the Jewish ones, suggested in effect that King carry water on both shoulders. Since war settles nothing, as Levison put it, King could adapt a peace position without taking sides. While agreeing that the territorial integrity of Israel and its right to be a homeland were incontestable, King should urge a peace position without taking sides. King should urge that all other questions be settled by negotiations. Such a position, said Levison, would serve to keep the Arab friendship and the Israeli friendship. King agreed to it.”
A month later he proposed “a pilgrimage of blacks and whites to the Holy Land.” He worried “that the Arab world, and probably Africa and Asia too, would interpret the action as endorsing everything that Israel had done and he did have doubts.” Andrew Young “chipped in that he felt it important that King develop a strong point of view and personal contact with the Middle East situation since the Arab position had never had a hearing in this country, Levison agreed.”
Months later King wrote “a four-page letter to the president of the American Jewish Committee.” He had spoken at a Chicago New Politics convention. “Jewish agencies asked King to disavow the malevolent language” after he left. “He indicated that had he stayed he would have reiterated the SCLC stand... Israel’s right to exist as a state was incontestable.” [26]
King’s public statements pleased Zionists, and rabbi Abraham Heschel was on the podium when King gave his powerful April 4, 1967 New York Riverside Church anti-Vietnam war speech. But rabbi Marc Schneier’s Shared Dreams: Martin Luther King, Jr. & The Jewish Community, tells us that King’s oration created a problem for
“major Jewish organizations. Though most disliked the war, they were extremely cautious in their public opposition to it, since President Johnson had warned them that any anti-war stands from them would jeopardize American support for Israel.”
Schneier writes that
“Johnson liked having things his way. If you disagreed with him, he was likely to find a sore point to which he could apply the pressure until you complied with his wishes. For Jews, Israel was that sore point.
Never saying it outright, Johnson strongly implied to several key Congressional and Jewish leaders that Jewish opposition to the war could trigger cuts in American military and economic aid to Israel. It was a trump card.” [27]
King’s April 4, 1968 assassination came at a crossroad in his relations with Washington and American Zionism. He was publicly pro-Israel but met with Carmichael against Johnson’s war and for King’s Poor Peoples Campaign, as the Zionist establishment silently moved from him towards Johnson. They didn’t identify with his Poor People's Campaign aimed at bringing poor Blacks, Whites, Indians and Hispanics to Washington. The establishment wasn’t helping him in Memphis, Tennessee when he died supporting Black sanitation workers, striking for higher wages and racially equal treatment. “The most important thing that I learned... was that bigotry and hatred are not the most urgent problems. The most urgent... and the most tragic problem is silence.” That’s what Prinz said in 1963, but they were silent about that strike.
The murder generated Black riots across the U.S. and Johnson, who loved listening to tapes of King’s sex, had to declare him a martyr. Since then the Zionist establishment has loudly publicized its marching with him in 1963, even while, as Zionist John Rothman reports, “For some Jews, Nixon's support for Israel was the litmus test. Yitzhak Rabin actively campaigned for him in 1972, when Nixon got 37 percent of the Jewish vote, up from 19 percent in 1968.” [28]
‘King loved Israel, Israel loved him’ propaganda has reached enormous proportions. Israel has an official ML King day and forest. Schneier, chair of the World Jewish Congress’s American Section, tells of “an article that appeared in the Saturday Review two months after the [1967] war ended.” According to Schneier, King wrote:
“You declare, my friend, that you do not hate the Jews, you are merely ‘anti-Zionist.’ And I say, let the truth ring forth from the high mountain tops, let it echo through the valleys of God’s green earth.When people criticize Zionism, they mean the Jews -- this is God’s own truth. Anti-Semitism ... has been and remains a blot on the soul of mankind. In this we are in full agreement. So know also this: anti-Zionist is inherently anti-Semitic, and ever will be so.” [29]
Schneier’s gives his source as “King, ‘Letter to an Anti-Zionist Friend,’ Saturday Review, 47 (August 1967), 76. Reprinted in King, This I Believe: Selections from the Writings of Dr. Martin Luther King, Jr. (New York, 1971), 234-235.” [30]
Except that this writer and Harlem’s Schomberg Library couldn’t locate the Letter or “This I Believe.” At my request, The Journal of Palestine Studies and the Library of Congress also sought and couldn’t discover them. On March 15, at a public meeting in New York’s Queens University, I asked Schneier to locate the Letter for me. “Contact my office.” I emailed his Foundation for Ethnic Understanding, waited, then phoned: “We got your email. We’re not supposed to talk to you.”
Off the record, Hoover had told some Congress Representatives and others about Levison and King’s sex life. After King’s April 1968 assassination, a journalist revealed that Robert Kennedy, then running in Democratic primaries to replace Johnson, had authorized wiretapping King, but there wasn’t much public focus on this. Then, on June 5, Kennedy was shot by Sirhan Sirhan, a Palestinian Christian.
Except for the usual conspiracy buffs, his jailers and today’s scholars agree that he did it on his own. But the assassination drew the public’s attention away from the tapping of King, and turned Kennedy into a Democratic martyr. With time, details of the wiretapping emerged, but today perhaps the best example of the party’s hypocrisy is its simultaneous iconic treatment of King and the two villains who spied on him.
After King’s slaying, Black movement splits deepened. John Lewis, Andrew Young, Jesse Jackson and others went into Democratic politics, hoping to get practical if limited reforms. But Stokely became the Black Panther “honorary Prime Minister” in 1968. He tried to make them into a community movement. He visited Newton, waiting a trial in jail. Huey thought the party would become a Northern SNCC, however Stokely told him
“That was not very likely if their most visible community program remained armed patrols monitoring police behavior in the streets.... We agreed that this image would only isolate the party out in front of the community, whereas, where they needed to be was deep inside the day-to-day fabric of the neighborhoods.”
Then the party’s leaders forbade more visits to Newton. In 1969, he and his wife, South African singer Miriam Makeba, moved to Guinea-Conakry.
In July he publicly rejected the Panthers. Stokely saw “the youth gang culture,” unsalable to “anybody’s aunt or the deacon board of the local church.” [31] He also disliked white lefts hailing the Panthers, thereby convincing themselves (and the FBI) that they were revolutionaries.
The Black Democrats and the Zionist-Apartheid Alliance
With Stokely in Africa, the disintegration of the Panthers in the 1970s, and federal enforcement of legal equality, the Black masses stopped demonstrating in the streets and voted southern Black Democrats into the House of Representatives. In 1977, Georgia Representative Andrew Young was appointed U.N. Ambassador. Then, on August 15, 1979, Young, who stood next to King when he was murdered, resigned over a secret discussion with the Palestine Liberation Organization after a U.S. promise not to talk to the P.L.O. until it recognized Israel.
Every sector of Black leadership was outraged. White diplomat Milton Wolf previously met the P.L.O., no resignation. Why then did Jimmy Carter accept his Black appointee’s resignation “with deep regret”? [32] Was it Zionist pressure? Over time Young said no, the issue was his repeated undisciplined public statements, etc., and he stayed loyal to the Democratic Party. Most leaders felt it was Israeli pressure but also stayed solidly Democratic.
Jesse Jackson, who dashed upstairs after the King shooting and appeared in a bloody shirt at the following press conference, ran for the Democratic presidential nomination in 1984 and 1988. On February 13, 1984, the Washington Post reported that “In private conversations with reporters, Jackson had referred to Jews as ‘Hymie’ and to New York as ‘Hymietown.’” On February 19 he lied: “It simply is not true,” [33] On February 26,1984, he apologized in a synagogue.
Neither before nor after the Hymietown affair was Jackson ever against a Zionist state. In 1984, with the Zionist-apartheid alliance before the world’s eyes, he was for no more than a weaponless sheep pen Palestinian Bantustan in the West Bank and Gaza. By 1988 he even announced that he would not, as President, meet with Yasser Arafat, then the P.L.O.’s leader, and babbled about understanding “the pain of the occupier.”
Many years later, in 2008, the New York Post reported that
“Jackson believes that, although 'Zionists who have controlled American policy for decades' remain strong, they'll lose a great deal of their clout when Barack Obama enters the White House.” [34]
Obama’s campaign immediately disassociated itself from Jackson’s comments. Indeed Jackson’s evolution certifies the thesis that closeness to King at any point doesn’t necessarily justify anyone’s further activities.
All scholars see Rustin as the most pro-Zionist of the Black civil rights Democrats. After his break with Stalinism he joined the Socialist Party and then, over time, he and the S.P. went into the Democratic Party.
Norman Thomas, the S.P.’s leading figure, developed a celebrity media reputation, running for President six times, 1928-48. He joined the Progressive Party, then quit over its obvious CP domination and ran his 1948 campaign to offer left of center anti-Stalinists an alternative to Truman and Wallace. He was very friendly with the anti-Zionist American Council for Judaism, but by then the public didn’t care what he thought about anything (139,569 votes, 0.3%).
Post 1953, Thomas secretly started taking money from Central Intelligence Agency Director Allen Dulles, who he knew from their college days. When did Rustin learn of this? Perhaps before February 22, 1967, when the Times ran an article, "Thomas Upholds CIA-Aided Work." [35]
The S.P. was minuscule and without influence until the mid-1950s, when Rustin linked up with King. In 1958, Max Shachtman, an SWP founder who broke with Trotsky in 1939, joined the S.P. and became Rustin’s mentor. Moving ever rightward, they were intensely anti-Stalinist and for the S.P. entering the Democratic Party. Getting anti-Stalinist AFL-CIO support for the southern struggle became their top priority.
Again, we don’t know exactly when Rustin learned that the AFL-CIO was working internationally with the CIA, but presumably it was before Tom Braden, former CIA foreign operations director, published "I'm Glad the CIA's Immoral," in the May 20, 1967 Saturday Evening Post. He proudly wrote of using the AFL-CIO to fund "strong-arm squads in Mediterranean ports, so that American supplies could be unloaded against the opposition of Communist dock workers." [36]
Later in 1967, after the Israeli-Arab “six-day war,” S.P. national secretary Irwin Suall, skeptical regarding Israel, went there and came back so pro-Zionist that he was appointed fact finding director of the Anti-Defamation League. ‘Fact finding’ translates into spying on “anti-Semitic” anti-Zionists, leftists, etc.
Rustin’s Vietnam war hawk stance took him away from dove King. The war debate also broke up the S.P. In 1973, Rustin and Suall, still for the Vietnam war, set up Social Democrats USA, with Rustin as National Chairman.
After the U.S. defeat, Rustin focused on Israel. In 1975 he set up a Black Americans in Support of Israel Committee, with heavy Black Democratic support and Zionist funding. Young signed up, as did David Dinkins, later mayor of New York, but it had no popular following with Israel’s alliance with apartheid South Africa before American Blacks’ eyes. Even Rustin had to voice a “deep sense of concern and disturbance” when Israel brought South African Prime Minister Johannes Vorster to the Wailing Wall in April 1976. [37] Yet his zealotry for Zionism continued. In 1984, he appeared as a character witness for Israeli defense minister Ariel Sharon when he sued Time Magazine for libel for a 1983 article saying that Sharon urged the Lebanese Phalangists to avenge leader Bachir Gemayel's death by the September 1982 Sabra and Shátila massacre of hundreds of Palestinians. To put Rustin’s testimony into perspective, readers should know that the Israeli government’s own Kahan Commission later found Israel indirectly responsible for the event and compelled Sharon to resign as head of the Ministry.
Rustin’s later-day pro-Zionism was looked upon as apostasy by many civil rights activists as they morphed into anti-apartheid fighters. To this day Reverend Matt Jones, the second most arrested civil rights era campaigner, will not sing at any demo on any issue unless he is allowed to denounce Israel. Elombe Brath, New York’s prime anti-apartheid organizer, routinely had this writer and other anti-Zionist Jews speak at anti-apartheid rallies.
The word got out to the broad community. Typically, a Jewish civil servant told me of how pleased her Black colleagues were when they complained about the apartheid alliance and discovered that she was anti-Zionist. But rank and file Black anti-apartheid activists focused on what Israel was doing to Africans via the alliance, rather than on what Zionism did to Palestinians and, after apartheid’s downfall, most didn’t continue on in the anti-Zionist movement.
On the electoral level, John Lewis and the Black Congressional Caucus talked against apartheid, but Michigan Democrat John Conyers went further and critiqued Israel’s alliance with apartheid. The other Caucus Democrats generally evaded the alliance, concerned about Zionist campaign contributions. But not talking about the alliance de facto meant not mobilizing the community, which would have asked about the collaboration, putting them on the spot re party funders. Conyers could talk about Israel because Michigan is the one state where Arabs are a significant proportion of the vote.
What Should We Learn from this History?
What must we learn from these decades of Black rights leaders’ thinking about Zionism, first as an idealistic notion, then as Israel, an on the ground political fact? The civil rights struggle was successful. Millions of Blacks gained legal equality. But King’s assassin killed the mind behind the Poor People’s Campaign. After his death, it organized one badly planed encampment in Washington, then vanished. Now King’s birthday is a legal holiday, but millions of Blacks and others still live in poverty. In 2010, America’s first Black President commemorated King’s birthday by going to a soup kitchen and feeding some poor. Did that traditional charitable gesture honor King? Of course not. That Black President then went right back to bailing out the rich.
The best way to honor the founder of the Poor People’s Campaign is to study his political strengths and weaknesses and then use that knowledge to help abolish poverty in America and injustice around the world. Studying his politics includes, among other things, dealing with his public pro-Israel statement, his off-the-record concerns about it, and his last two meetings with Carmichael, a proud anti-Zionist.
What would King have done had he lived thru years of open alliance between Zionism and apartheid? He would have been 84 in 2013. What would King say, today, when Israel is the only country in the U.N. that doesn’t condemn the U.S. embargo on Cuba, whose 41,000 soldiers were the decisive force defeating South Africa’s army in the battle of Cuito Cuanavale in Angola in 1987-88. That defeat convince apartheid’s leaders that it was time to hand over power to the African National Congress. Do you, dear reader, need a "weatherman" to know what King would have said, today, about the U.S, Cuba and Israeli apartheid?
NOTES
1 - Manning Marable, W.E.B. Du Bois: Black Radical Democrat, Twayne Publishers, Boston, 1986, p. 100.
2 - Margaret Truman, Harry S. Truman, Morrow, New York, 1973, p. 386.
3 - Daniel Guerin, Negroes on the March, 1951, Rene Julliard, Paris, [English edition, updated Oct. 9, 1954, published February 1956], pp. 116, 179.
4 - Scott Shane, “To Investigate or Not: Four Ways to Look Back at Bush,” New York Times,www.nytimes.com/2009/02/22/weekinreview
5 - Saul Friedlander, The Years of Extermination: Nazi Germany and the Jews, 1939-1945, Harper Collins, New York, 2007, p. 304.
6 - Eliyahu Matzozky, “The Responses of American Jewry and its Representative Organizations, November 24, 1942 and April 19, 1943,” unpublished Masters Thesis, Yeshiva University, app. II.
7 - Sarah Peck, “The Campaign for an American Response to the Nazi Holocaust, 1943-1945,” Journal of Contemporary History, April 1980, p. 374.
8 - Marc Schneier, Shared Dreams: Martin Luther King, Jr. & The Jewish Community, Jewish Lights Publishing, Woodstock, Vt., 2009, p. 45.
9 - Joachim Prinz, “America Must Not Remain Silent,” Congress bi-Weekly, October 7, 1963, p. 3.
10 - Joachim Prinz, “Zionism under the Nazi Government,” Young Zionist, London, November 1937, p. 18.
11 - Joachim Prinz and Lenni Brenner, “Excerpts from an Interview, February 8, 1981,” 51 Documents: Zionist Collaboration With The Nazis, Barricade Books, Fort Lee, NJ, 2002, pp. 104-105.
12 - http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Malcolm_X.
13 - http://mlk-kpp01.stanford.edu/index.php/encyclopedia/documentsentry telegram_from_martin_luther_king_jr_to_betty_al_shabazz/.
14 - George Breitman, The Last Year of Malcolm X: The Evolution of a Revolutionary, Pathfinder, New York, 1967, pp. 63, 92.
15 - http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki March_on_Washington#Controversy_over_John_Lewis.27_speech.
16 - Stokely Carmichael with Ekwueme Michael Thelwell, Ready for Revolution: The Life and Struggles of Stokely Carmichael (Kwame Ture), Scribner, New York, 2003, p. 557.
17 - Ibid, p. 558.
18 - Ibid, p. 558.
19 - Ibid, pp. 560-561.
20 - Michael Kaufman, “Stokely Carmichael, Rights Leader Who Coined 'Black Power,” Dies at 57,” New York Times, November 16, 1998 www.nytimes.com/1998/11/16/us/
21 - Murray Friedman, What Went Wrong: The Creation and Collapse of the Black-Jewish Alliance. Free Press, New York, 1995, pp. 248-249.
22 - Abraham Foxman, “Black Activist Disparages Jews,” New York Times (Letters), March 11, 1996, p.16.
23 - Lenni Brenner, “Anti-Zionism Doesn’t Equal Anti-Semitism,” New York Times, (Letters), March 16, 1996, p. A20.
24 - Michael Kaufman, “Stokely Carmichael, Rights Leader Who Coined 'Black Power,' Dies at 57,” New York Times, November 16, 1998
25 - Carmichael, pp. 647-648.
26 - Friedman, p. 252.
27 - Schneier, pp. 142, 182.
28 - John Rothman, “Nixon’s Israel support cannot excuse his anti-Semitism,” www.jweekly.com/article/full/4734/nixon-s-israel-support-cannot-excuse-his-anti-semitism.
29 - Schneier, p. 178.
30 - Ibid, p. 213.
31 - Carmichael, pp. 661-662.
32 - Robert Weisbord and Richard Kazarian, Jr., Israel in the Black American Perspective, Greenwood Press, Westport, Ct., 1985, p. 122.
33 - Rick Atkinson, “Peace with American Jews Eludes Jackson,” Washington Post, Feb. 13, 1984, p.186.
34 - http://blogs.abcnews.com/politicalpunch/2008/10/obama-camp-resp.html.
35 - "Thomas Upholds CIA-Aided Work." New York Times, Feb. 22, 1967, p.17.
36 - Tom Braden, "I'm Glad the CIA's Immoral," Saturday Evening Post, May 20, 1967, pp. 10-14.
37 - Weisbord and Kazarian, p. 94.
The Black Civil Rights Movement And Zionism
by Lenni Brenner
If you asked today’s American college students when the civil rights movement began, most would say “when Rosa Parks disobeyed a bus driver’s order to give her seat to a white.” She was arrested on December 1, 1955. On December 5th, after her trial and the first day of the Black bus boycott, a meeting in the Mt. Zion AME Church organized the Montgomery Improvement Association to lead the struggle. Martin Luther King Jr. was elected its president. In 1957, after strategy differences with King, Parks left Montgomery. She worked in Detroit as a seamstress. In 1965, Democratic Representative John Conyers hired her as his Detroit office secretary. She retired in 1988.
Americans easily understand the Montgomery Improvement Association’s establishment in the Mt. Zion Church. Most Black Americans were religious. They identified with the Hebrew slaves fleeing Egypt for “the promised land.” But, beyond specialists in Black-Jewish relations, Parks’ subsequent employment by by Conyers, a severe critic of Israel, and the later politics of the civil rights movement is unknown to today’s public. Therefore this article will focus on the evolution of America’s Black rights leaders and movements attitudes towards Zionism, from the founding of the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People in 1909, thru to 1994, when apartheid South Africa, Israel’s open ally, vanished into history.
The Black Struggle from 1909 to WWII
When Parks was arrested, she was the secretary of the Montgomery chapter of the NAACP. The national NAACP had only one Black, W.E.B. Du Bois, on its first executive board in 1909. His politics and the NAACP’s evolved, eventually in different ways, but he was always pro-Zionist.
“The African movement means to us what the Zionist movement must mean to the Jews, the centralization of race effort and the recognition of a racial fount.” [1]
In its early years the NAACP organized occasional protest marches but its primary arena soon became the courts. Post WW I, its place in the streets was taken by Marcus Garvey’s ‘back to Africa’ Universal Negro Improvement Association. Asked if he was imitating Benito Mussolini, he replied that Mussolini was imitating him. But men in military formations were needed in an era of anti-Black riots.
The UNIA grew to massive size until 1922, when Garvey was arrested for mail fraud re money collected for his Black Star Line, which would ultimately ship followers to Africa. Convicted in 1923, imprisoned in 1925, he was deported to Jamaica in 1927. Garvey always equated the UNIA to Zionism, even after blaming Jewish NAACP leaders for his prosecution.
Vladimir Lenin’s Bolsheviks came to power in Russia in 1917 and established the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics, based on ethnic equality. The Communist Party here made Black rights a top priority and attracted the attention of Black intellectuals. After Lenin died in 1924, party secretary Joseph Stalin converted the USSR into a personal dictatorship and the CPUSA took his commands to be holy writ. Stalin and Communist parties everywhere, including Palestine, opposed Zionism, but it was not an issue in their involvement in the Black struggle.
In 1928, the CPUSA called for a Black republic in the areas of the American south where they were the majority. This attracted some Blacks, but more important was the CP’s legal defense of the “Scottsboro boys,” nine young Blacks convicted in Alabama in 1931 of raping two white women and sentenced to death. The CP’s International Labor Defense took the case to the Supreme Court which declared that defendants are entitled to effective counsel and that no one may be de facto excluded from juries because of their race. White racist rage against “Communists” and “Jewish lawyers” served to establish the credibility of both among Blacks.
In July 1930, Wallace D. Fard Muhammad founded the Nation of Islam in Detroit. Among other things, it called for an independent Black state in America. In 1933 he established a security guard called the Fruit of Islam to defend the NOI and other Blacks against white racists.
Fard Muhammad left Detroit in 1934 and was never seen again. Before departing he conferred leadership of the NOI on one of his earliest followers, Elijah Poole, who changed his name to Elijah Muhammad. He preached that Wallace Fard Muhammad was Islam’s Mahdi and Christianity’s Messiah. The Nation and FOI were a small but visible presence in Black communities until the early 1950s, when Malcolm X, who had converted while in prison for burglary, became Elijah Muhammad’s chief lieutenant. Under Malcolm’s leadership the NOI became a mass movement and the FOI grew in every Black community.
It took the 1929 Depression, under a Republican President, to get northern Blacks to vote for a Democrat, Franklin D. Roosevelt, in 1932, in hope of improved economic conditions, but they had few illusions about their new party. It ruled the legally racially segregated “solid south” and many northern states where landlords and employers could discriminate or not, at their option. There were no Black Democratic convention delegates until 1940.
In 1934, Stalin anticipated a second world war with Britain, France, the U.S. and the Soviets against Hitler. Unofficially, so as not to embarrass him, the CP supported Roosevelt, putting it in tandem with Black voters. It was central in organizing the Congress of Industrial Organizations, a rival to the almost universally racist American Federation of Labor. Hundreds of thousands of workers, many Black, joined CP-led unions. By 1939 the CP grew to 90,000 members, many Jewish or Black. Singer Paul Robeson, while not formally a CP member, was royally treated in the Soviet Union and helped make the CP a major force in the Black community.
In 1938, Trinidad-born C.L.R. James, author of The Black Jacobins: Toussaint L'Ouverture and the San Domingo Revolution, came to the U.S. and joined the Trotskyist Socialist Workers Party. In 1939, under his influence, the SWP declared that, if America’s Blacks wanted their own state in the south, they would support the demand. The SWP was very small, but James’ book made him well known to Black intellectuals, worldwide.
In 1939, after Britain and France signed the Munich pact with Hitler, Stalin reversed himself and made the Hitler-Stalin pact. Thousands of Jews quit the CP in disgust, but Bayard Rustin, a gay Black Quaker member of the Young Communist League since 1936, stayed on. In 1941 the YCL assigned him to fight against U.S. military segregation, then called off the campaign when the Nazis invaded the Soviet Union. He quit in disgust and joined A. Philip Randolph (1889 – 1979), president of the Brotherhood of Sleeping Car Porters, in calling for a Black march on Washington against racial discrimination in war industries and segregation in the military. The march was cancelled after Roosevelt issued Executive Order 8802, banning war industry discrimination. The military remained segregated, but the Executive Order was seen by many Blacks as a partial victory.
Rustin went to prison in 1944 for violating the WWII draft law. He could have accepted a religious pacifist civilian work assignment, but chose prison, feeling that his political opposition to war was more important than his religious concerns.
The Cold War Era
With Hitler’s defeat, Democratic President Harry Truman faced a very different enemy, foreign and domestic. The USSR was seen by many Blacks as for their rights. Many thousands of Blacks were in CP-led unions. In 1947, Randolph formed the Committee Against Jim Crow in Military Service, later renamed the League for Non-Violent Civil Disobedience. Truman had two concerns. If the U.S. faced off militarily with any Communist foe, it would try to get Blacks in the segregated military to mutiny, and he was hoping to get elected in 1948.
Vice President Truman became President when Roosevelt died in 1945. In 1948, one of his opponents was Henry Wallace, his predecessor as Roosevelt’s Vice President (1941–1945). During anti-Black riots in Detroit in 1943, Wallace declared that America couldn’t "fight to crush Nazi brutality abroad and condone race riots at home." Such politics were too left for Roosevelt and he chose Senator Truman, front man for the notoriously corrupt Kansas City, Missouri Democratic “machine,” to run with him in 1944. Every poll predicted Truman’s defeat. If he lost enough Black votes to Wallace he was certain to lose. So, on July 26, 1948, he abolished military racial segregation via Executive Order 9981.
Wallace got only 2.4 percent of the national vote, but even after 9981 and a civil rights plank in the Democratic Party platform, the first in its history, he received one third of the Black vote. Prominent Blacks supported him including heavyweight boxing champion Joe Louis, singer Lena Horne, Robeson and Du Bois. This led to the NAACP terminating Du Bois’ employment, but Zionism wasn’t an issue in the rupture. The NAACP’s leaders were for Truman, who raced Stalin to be the first to recognize the new Israeli state.
Wallace opposed the “cold war” and was running as the candidate of the Progressive Party, created for the occasion by the CP. It maintained Lenin’s anti-Zionist line until 1947, when Moscow suddenly declared its support for the creation of Israel. The scholarly consensus is that Stalin wanted Britain, Palestine’s Mandatory ruler, out of the Middle East. None of London’s Arab satraps were interested in rebelling against their overlord and Stalin thought Zionist success in kicking the British out would, somehow, force Britain’s Arab puppets to try to do likewise.
Until the late 40s, most Jewish men were blue collar workers. In the 30s, almost all Jewish union leaders opposed Zionism. When their bosses gave donations to Zionist charities they felt that the money should have gone to their members as wages. This changed dramatically after the Holocaust. A nationalist wave swept through American Jewry. In Manhattan, thousands of Jews and others marched and danced around the New York Times tower when its electronic sign announced the creation of Israel. That demonstration was organized by the CP and Black CPers were among the dancers.
There were two reasons why Truman overruled his “the Arabs got the oil” oriented State Department and recognized the new state in 1948. In her book, Harry S. Truman, his daughter Margaret related how “On October 6,1947, Bob Hannegan,” the Democratic National Chairman,
“almost made a speech, pointing out how many Jews were major contributors to the Democratic Party‘s campaign fund and were expecting the United States to support the Zionists’ position on Palestine.” [2]
The other reason was the Progressive Party’s strength among Jews and Blacks in New York, the home state of Thomas Dewey, his pro-Zionist Republican opponent. Truman feared that, unless he backed Zionism, rich Jews would fund Dewey, Jewish workers would vote Progressive and he would lose the state. In fact Truman did lose it but, to everyone’s amazement, won the national election.
Two years later, in 1950, Du Bois ran for the U.S. Senate as the candidate of the American Labor Party, the Progressive Party’s New York affiliate, and received almost 210,000 votes, and 12.8 per cent of Harlem’s count.
With Stalin it was always gyrations. His own pro-Zionist politics generated enthusiasm for Israel among Soviet Jews which he equated with disloyalty to him. In November 1948 he began a purge of “cosmopolitans,” almost always with Jewish names or with their Jewish birth name in brackets next to their later Russian name. On January 13, 1953, a group of doctors was accused of being agents of a Zionist conspiracy to poison him and other Soviet leaders. He died on March 5, 1953 and the new Soviet leadership exonerated the doctors in a March 31 decree.
Many Jews left the CPUSA, usually with their Times Tower politics and pro-civil rights feelings intact. Those still loyal after 1953 simply used the exoneration to wash away Stalin’s anti-Semitism and their zeal for him in that period. Thereafter the CP supported the Soviet Union’s alliances with Palestinian movements and Arab regimes, but it always opposed the call for a democratic secular binational state. Party members and CP-led unions continued to play important roles in the civil rights movement.
Although Black voters backed pro-Zionist candidates, Israel wasn’t a Black election issue in 1948. But on September 17, Sweden's Count Folke Bernadotte, the U.N. mediator in the Arab-Israeli conflict, was assassinated by the Lohamei Herut Israel, Fighters for the Freedom of Israel (aka the Stern gang), and Ralph Bunche, a Black American diplomat, took his place. He worked out the 1949 Armistice Agreements between Israel and Egypt, Lebanon, Jordan, and Syria, establishing the armistice line between Israel and Jordan, now known as the Green Line.
Most educated Blacks saw Bunche’s Armistice as sanctification of Israel’s existence, especially so after 1950, when Bunche won the Noble Peace Prize. This pro-Zionist spin was later reinforced when Bunche participated in the 1963 March on Washington and the Selma to Montgomery march that led to the passage of the 1965 Voting Rights Act.
This same period also saw a rival left involvement in the civil rights movement that produced what comes off today as amazing secular prophesy. In 1946-48, Daniel Guerin, a French Trotskyist, visited the southern U.S. In Negroes on the March, copyright 1951, he assessed the NAACP:
"In Mobile, Ala., an important industrial city, the NAACP branch numbered 2,000 members when I was there, but I could not find a single worker among them. One of the few places where I saw a branch with a relatively proletarian composition was Montgomery, Ala.; the reason for this happy exception was that the branch secretary was also a trade union official....
A living example of this evolution was presented to me by E.D. Nixon of Montgomery, Ala., a vigorous colored union militant who was the leading spirit in his city both of the local union of Sleeping Car Porters and the local branch of the NAACP. What a difference from the other branches of the Association, which are controlled by dentists, pastors and undertakers!” [3]
Leftist presence in the civil rights movement automatically meant FBI spying. In June 1952, a CP informer brought Stanley Levison, a New York lawyer and realtor, to the FBI’s attention. He was supposed to be a secret major CP financier since the end of WWII. In 1955 he, Rustin and others set up In Friendship to send money to southern Black activists.
Rustin introduced Levison to King in 1956 and he soon became King’s good right hand. He set up the MIA’s first mail-solicitations for funds, and helped King get the contract for his first book, Stride Towards Freedom, and wrote parts of it. On September 20, 1958, King was stabbed by Izola Curry, a mad Black woman, while promoting the book, and Levison became central to the financing of King’s Southern Christian Leadership Conference while he recovered.
Levison drifted away from the CP before he met King. But he refused an FBI request that he inform on the party and took the 5th Amendment when called before a Senate committee. That made the Kennedy brothers and FBI Director J. Edgar Hoover think that might he still might be a covert CPer. On June 22, 1963, President John Kennedy told King that he should drop Levison. He wouldn’t abandon his confidant and, on October 10, 1963, Attorney General Robert Kennedy, violating the 1st Amendment’s guarantees of freedom of religion and speech, authorized wiretapping King. The FBI soon bugged his hotel rooms, taping his extra-marital affairs. Eventually they sent the tapes to King, hoping that they would drive him to suicide. [4] Spying continued until his 1968 assassination.
In reality, Levison had shifted his allegiance to the Zionist American Jewish Congress and ran its Upper West Side Manhattan branch. This is understandable, given his CP involvement during its Times Tower phase. Rabbi Stephen Wise (1874–1949), founder of the American Jewish Congress in 1918, had been a NAACP national board member since 1914, but many scholars, including pro-Zionists, consider his Nazi era behavior disgraceful. According to Saul Friedlander, "In the spring of 1941, Rabbi Wise had decided to impose a complete embargo on all aid sent to Jews in occupied countries, in compliance with the U.S. government's economic boycott of the Axis powers.” [5] On December 2, 1942, after reports of the slaughter in the Ukraine reached the West, he wrote a letter to “Dear Boss,” Franklin Roosevelt, asking for a meeting and informing him that “I have had cables and underground advices for some months, telling of these things. I succeeded, together with the heads of other Jewish organizations, in keeping them out of the press.” [6]
When Peter Bergson, a rival Zionist, organized a “They Shall Never Die” pageant to mobilize pressure on Roosevelt to rescue Jews, the AJC kept it out of auditoriums wherever it could. [7] Du Bois and Randolph signed Bergson’s newspaper ads and Walter White, then the NAACP Director, spoke at his 1943 Emergency Conference to Save the Jewish People of Europe.
There is no evidence that Levison knew this when he joined AJC, or that he was its agent in the civil rights movement. On the contrary, he was King’s ‘agent’ in getting support from the Jewish establishment. King knew that few southern Jews joined the civil rights movement, but declared that “the national Jewish bodies have been most helpful.” [8]
The night before his murder, he famously proclaimed that he had “been to the mountaintop.... And I've seen the promised land. I may not get there with you. But I want you to know tonight, that we, as a people, will get to the promised land.” In fact he had actually been to Palestine.
In 1959, under the influence of Rustin and the Quakers, King went to Mohandas Gandhi’s Indian birthplace to study satyagraha, Gandhi’s resistance to tyranny through mass civil disobedience. He returned via Jordan and visited Jericho and Jerusalem‘s “old city.” It was then impossible to go to through the Mandelbaum Gate between the Israeli and Jordanian sectors of Jerusalem, and he returned home by way of Egypt and Greece, but the visit and the fact that he couldn’t go through the checkpoint remained prominent in his thinking. Indeed he referred to his traveling the road from Jericho to Jerusalem - where a Biblical Hebrew was rescued by a good Samaritan, after other Jews ignored his misery - in his last, immortal, speech.
In 1961 W.E.B. Du Bois joined the American Communist Party, became a citizen of Ghana and, still pro-Zionist, died there in 1963, only days before King’s celebrated “I have a dream" speech. King was the greatest American orator since Lincoln, but Rustin put together the speakers list for the massive August 28, 1963 March on Washington. King spoke immediately after Joachim Prinz (1902-1988), President of the AJC, 1958–1966:
“When I was the rabbi of the Jewish community in Berlin under the Hitler regime, I learned many things. The most important thing that I learned... was that bigotry and hatred are not the most urgent problems. The most urgent... and the most tragic problem is silence.” [9]
In reality he had been an eager collaborator with Nazism. In 1937, in America, he wrote about Germany. His article described the Zionist mood in 1933:
“The government announced very solemnly that there was no country in the world which tried to solve the Jewish problem as seriously as did Germany. Solution of the Jewish question? It was our Zionist dream! We never denied the existence of the Jewish question! Dissimilation? It was our own appeal! ... In a statement notable for its pride and dignity, we called for a conference.” [10]
On February 8, 1981, I interviewed him.
Brenner: “What made you think that you could represent the Jews in dealing with the Nazi government?”
Prinz: “Oh, we thought, in our discussions with intellectuals in the SS movement, that the time would come when they would say, ‘Yes, you live in Germany, you are Jewish people, you are different from us, but we will not kill you, we will permit you to live your own cultural life, and develop your own national capacities and dreams.’ We thought, at the beginning of the Hitler regime that such a very frank discussion was possible. We found among the SS intellectuals, some people were ready for such a talk. But of course such a talk never took place because the radical element in the Nazi movement won out.” [11]
How did a wannabe collaborator with Hitler come to speak with King? As I was leaving, after the taped interview, he told me that “When I got to America, everything I believed in Germany sounded crazy to me.” I’ve never doubted his honesty. The 1963 rabbi was very different from the 1933 rabbi, and Rustin and King knew nothing about that rabbi. They, like most Jews and gentiles of that era, knew little of Zionism’s history.
Although the March was massive, Malcolm X called it a “farce.” On October 11, 1963 Malcolm spoke outdoors to thousands at the University of California’s Berkeley campus. The NOI’s representative had nothing good to say about the racially integrationist civil rights movement. But after the rally, with the microphone off, two men went up to the podium. I heard one say, in accented English, “Minister Malcolm, we think your talk was very good. But we are from Iran, a Muslim country. There is nothing about race in the Koran or Islam.” Malcolm looked at them, without moving or saying a word, for over a minute, until a U.C. official took his arm and led him off the podium.
On November 22, President Kennedy was assassinated. On December 1, Malcolm was asked about it and declared it “chickens coming home to roost” and Elijah Muhammad ordered him silent for three months. During that period Malcolm heard rumors about Muhammad's extramarital affairs with young secretaries. On March 8, 1964, he announced his break from the NOI, claiming Muhammad confirmed the rumors. He converted to Sunni Islam, and set up the Organization of Afro-American Unity, a secular Black nationalist movement.
On March 26, he met King at a Senate debate on the Civil Rights bill outlawing unequal voter registration requirements, racial segregation in schools, workplaces and public accommodations. They were photographed warmly smiling and shaking hands. [12]
In April he went to Mecca, saw those Iranians were correct, visited several Arab and Black African countries and returned to the U.S., eager to work with all races for worldwide human rights. The SWP asked him to speak at its New York Militant Forum and he did so three times. He and the SWP discussed having its Young Socialist Alliance organize a national college tour for him. Then, on February 21, 1965, he was assassinated by members of the NOI at a public OAAU meeting.
America’s Blacks were outraged. The Harlem NOI mosque was torched and NOI members were attacked in other places. Tens of thousands viewed his body before his funeral. Rustin and Andrew Young from SCLC, John Lewis from the Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee, were among many civil rights leaders at the televised wake. Actor Ossie Davis delivered an acclaimed eulogy for "our shining black prince." King telegrammed Betty Shabazz, expressing sadness over "the shocking and tragic assassination of your husband. While we did not always see eye to eye on methods to solve the race problem, I always had a deep affection for Malcolm and felt that he had a great ability to put his finger on the existence and root of the problem." [13]
After his death, the SWP’s Pathfinder Press published many of Malcolm’s speeches and their evaluations of his development. They saw his strengths and weaknesses:
“At a press conference held on the day of his return to New York.... he was also asked if he still thought Negroes should return to Africa.... Malcolm X replied that after speaking to African leaders he was convinced that ‘If Black men become involved in a philosophical, cultural and psychological migration back to Africa, they will benefit greatly in this country.’ He compared this to the benefits that Jews had derived from their identification with Israel.”
Editor George Breitman cited “overgenerous remarks Malcolm made about Prince Feisal, who had shown Malcolm extraordinary courtesies in an emotionally tense period during his trip to Mecca.... Malcolm did fail, on occasion, to differentiate sufficiently between revolutionary and non revolutionary African, Arab and Asian leaders.”
But Breitman was correct. “The Last Year of Malcolm X” was indeed “The Evolution of a Revolutionary.” [14] His trip to Mecca converted him into an intense personal cosmopolitan and he realized that the SWP, a central element in the anti-Vietnam war movement, had a lot to teach him re the political side of that world view.
Martin Luther King, Black Power, Black Panthers and Zionism
That leftward evolution didn’t stop with Malcolm. Growing out of a February 1, 1960 Greensboro, North Carolina, Woolworth's sit-in, the Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee, (SNCC, pronounced “snick”) played a central role in the sit-ins, freedom rides and racially integrated voter registration drives over the next years. Its Chairman, John Lewis, prepared to make the most radical speech at the 1963 Washington march, including
“Kennedy is trying to take the revolution out of the streets and put it in the courts. Listen Mr. Kennedy, the black masses are on the march for jobs and for freedom, and we must say to the politicians that there won't be a 'cooling-off period.'" [15]
The Kennedy administration put pressure on Rustin and this statement was deleted from his speech but it reflected SNCC’s ever growing radicalism.
On the West Coast, Huey Newton heard me speak during the 1963 Cuban missile crisis. On October 16, 1964, he introduced himself to me in Oakland, California, in jail. Over four days we spent two hours discussing America, the civil rights movement, Marxism and Vietnam, but didn’t discuss Zionism. However, his Black Panther Party, founded on October 15, 1966, was anti-Zionist and worked with left Jews and other whites inside the Peace and Freedom Party. They called themselves Panthers from the ballot logo of SNCC’s Alabama Lowndes County Freedom Organization, in 1966 known for “Black Power” and anti-Zionism.
It was Trinidad-born Stokely Carmichael, SNCC’s chair after Lewis, who converted it into a Black organization and put “Black Power” into America’s political lexicon in a June 16, 1966 speech in Greenwood, Mississippi, but he always said he wasn’t the one who converted SNCC to anti-Zionism.
Born in 1941, he came to the New York at 11, after his mother proved that she was born in the Panama Canal Zone when it was governed by the U.S. He graduated from the world’s best high school. In his posthumous book, Ready For Revolution, he told us that
“At Bronx Science, I attended study camps with the Young Socialists and Young Communist groups. Here I learned to sing ‘Hava Nagella’ and to dance the hora. During the fifties, these young-left groups were unquestioningly pro-Zionist. Stalin had given arms to Zionist factions in 1948, and Israel was said to be progressive. End of story. There was no discussion at all of the rights of the Palestinian people. None.” [16]
His transition to anti-Zionism “was due almost entirely to the work of one courageous activist sister.” To protect her from retaliation, he never named her, but scholars say it was Ethel Minor, SNCC’s communications director. After college,
“She met Palestinians.... She began to investigate the issue.... she followed Malcolm into the Organization of Afro-American Unity. After his assassination, the sister joined SNCC, where she organized a study group on the question.... We found, to my surprise, that a great deal of the most incisive and persuasive critical writing was by Jewish writers.” [17]
His biggest shock “was discovering the close military, economic, and political alliance between the Israeli government and the racist apartheid regime in South Africa.” [18]
He related how “war was declared on SNCC” when the press reported a SNCC anti-Zionist position paper:
“No other civil rights organization had a position on the Middle East, and there were clear reasons for that. A good deal of their financial support came from mainstream liberals, quite often from progressive elements of the Jewish community.... So obviously there would be a price to pay.... But as Dr. King said, ‘There comes a time when silence is tantamount to consent.’” [19]
King said that in 1967, re the Vietnam war. But in 1966 he was among the civil rights leaders who denounced the notion of Black power, calling it “an unfortunate choice of words.” [20] And he only agreed to speak at an April 15, 1967 anti-war rally at the U.N. if Carmichael wasn’t allowed to speak. The organizers accepted his condition but then invited Carmichael, who spoke and led a marching group carrying Vietcong flags. By then King was so anti-war that, according to Murray Friedman’s 1995 What Went Wrong: The Creation and Collapse of the Black-Jewish Alliance, they went to Harry Belafonte’s home, where the three “exchanged views on future plans.” [21] We don’t know more about what they discussed, but Friedman and subsequent scholars understood that future joint public appearances would have served to further legitimatize Carmichael’s anti-Zionism, regardless of King’s personal opinion re Israel.
“Black Power” made Carmichael so famous that, three decades later, the Times reported his cancer diagnosis. This generated a 1996 letter from Anti-Defamation League National Director Abraham Foxman:
“Re your laudatory news article on Kwame Toure, formerly Stokely Carmichael (March 1): While working for civil rights is admirable, there is another side to Mr. Toure’s career that the article did not convey. Mr. Toure is an unabashed racial separatist and anti-Semite who often uses the slogan ‘the only good Zionist is a dead Zionist.’ His visits to college campuses have been followed by acts of anti-Semitism and violence.” [22]
I wrote the paper a letter, accompanied by an article by Carmichael. The Times called me. “Thank you very much for your letter.” It ran on March 16:
“As a Jewish leftist who worked with Mr. Toure against the Iraq war, I insist that he is not anti-Semitic. Mr. Toure’s nuanced position was expressed in the May 1991 Anti-War Activist newsletter.... 'Africans must transform the anti-war movement to an anti-capitalist and anti-Zionist movement.... The Zionists tried to chastise [Nelson] Mandela for his support for the P.L.O.... They control our community’s politicians. Look how they work harder for Israel than for Azania-South Africa! We must properly distinguish between Judaism and Zionism.’”
Mr. Toure’s hatred of Zionism, not Judaism or Jews is justified. Nathan Perlmutter, Mr. Foxman’s predecessor at the Anti-Defamation League, has written about why the organization would not join the group Trans-Africa in its demonstration against apartheid:
‘I cannot ignore the fact that the [African National] Congress’s literature is anti-Israel, highly sympathetic to the P.L.O. cause and tolerate of cooperation with the South African Communist Party. The lesson for us as Jews is not to engage our emotions in indignation about evil empires like South Africa. I think we too have a responsibility to determine whether or not that which stands in line to replace a current regime is better for the Jews or worse for the Jews’.” [23]
Did the Times caller’s “thank you” speak for its editors? No, but he certainly spoke for many of its readers, relieved that a civil rights icon hadn’t become anti-Semitic. In any case, the Times 1998 obit, “Stokely Carmichael, Rights Leader Who Coined 'Black Power,' Dies at 57,” heaped criticism on him, including King’s “an unfortunate choice of words,” and threw in a few praises: “Tall, slim, handsome.... Carmichael was arrested so often as a nonviolent volunteer that he lost count after 32.... a spellbinding orator,” but the obit said nothing re his anti-Zionism. [24]
The Times may not have known of the Belafonte meeting. It certainly didn’t know of their last meeting. In 1968, the Washington Post warned King that Carmichael would turn the Poor People’s Campaign into rioting. But, in 2003, Ready For Revolution told us that
“When Dr. King came into D.C., I went to see him. Of course I assured him that I and SNCC would never do anything to... jeopardize the campaign. He said, ‘Stokely, you don’t need to tell me that. I know you.’ I told him that Washington SNCC would organize the local community, the street people and youth gangs - to make sure they were cool. He said he’d appreciate that.... As I was leaving, he held onto my hand, looking worried. ‘Stokely, please be extra careful now. Avoid any unnecessary risks. Promise me.’ I recall laughing.... King repeated his warning.... Very soon I’d have reason to remember his mood at our last meeting.” [25]
Attorney General Eric Holder spoke at SNCC’s 50th year reunion in 2010. Knowing that Israel’s alliance with apartheid until its end is known to many Blacks, Holder didn’t utter a word against Carmichael.
In 1967, Nobel Peace Prize winner King signed a Times ad just before the June “six-day war,” calling on the U.S. to back Israel. But, according to Friedman,
“In a conversation with Levison and his other New York advisers the following day, King admitted to being confused. He had never actually seen the ad before it appeared, he told them. When he did, he was not happy with it. He felt it was unbalanced and pro-Israel, although he observed that it would probably help with the Jewish community.... his advisers, even the Jewish ones, suggested in effect that King carry water on both shoulders. Since war settles nothing, as Levison put it, King could adapt a peace position without taking sides. While agreeing that the territorial integrity of Israel and its right to be a homeland were incontestable, King should urge a peace position without taking sides. King should urge that all other questions be settled by negotiations. Such a position, said Levison, would serve to keep the Arab friendship and the Israeli friendship. King agreed to it.”
A month later he proposed “a pilgrimage of blacks and whites to the Holy Land.” He worried “that the Arab world, and probably Africa and Asia too, would interpret the action as endorsing everything that Israel had done and he did have doubts.” Andrew Young “chipped in that he felt it important that King develop a strong point of view and personal contact with the Middle East situation since the Arab position had never had a hearing in this country, Levison agreed.”
Months later King wrote “a four-page letter to the president of the American Jewish Committee.” He had spoken at a Chicago New Politics convention. “Jewish agencies asked King to disavow the malevolent language” after he left. “He indicated that had he stayed he would have reiterated the SCLC stand... Israel’s right to exist as a state was incontestable.” [26]
King’s public statements pleased Zionists, and rabbi Abraham Heschel was on the podium when King gave his powerful April 4, 1967 New York Riverside Church anti-Vietnam war speech. But rabbi Marc Schneier’s Shared Dreams: Martin Luther King, Jr. & The Jewish Community, tells us that King’s oration created a problem for
“major Jewish organizations. Though most disliked the war, they were extremely cautious in their public opposition to it, since President Johnson had warned them that any anti-war stands from them would jeopardize American support for Israel.”
Schneier writes that
“Johnson liked having things his way. If you disagreed with him, he was likely to find a sore point to which he could apply the pressure until you complied with his wishes. For Jews, Israel was that sore point.
Never saying it outright, Johnson strongly implied to several key Congressional and Jewish leaders that Jewish opposition to the war could trigger cuts in American military and economic aid to Israel. It was a trump card.” [27]
King’s April 4, 1968 assassination came at a crossroad in his relations with Washington and American Zionism. He was publicly pro-Israel but met with Carmichael against Johnson’s war and for King’s Poor Peoples Campaign, as the Zionist establishment silently moved from him towards Johnson. They didn’t identify with his Poor People's Campaign aimed at bringing poor Blacks, Whites, Indians and Hispanics to Washington. The establishment wasn’t helping him in Memphis, Tennessee when he died supporting Black sanitation workers, striking for higher wages and racially equal treatment. “The most important thing that I learned... was that bigotry and hatred are not the most urgent problems. The most urgent... and the most tragic problem is silence.” That’s what Prinz said in 1963, but they were silent about that strike.
The murder generated Black riots across the U.S. and Johnson, who loved listening to tapes of King’s sex, had to declare him a martyr. Since then the Zionist establishment has loudly publicized its marching with him in 1963, even while, as Zionist John Rothman reports, “For some Jews, Nixon's support for Israel was the litmus test. Yitzhak Rabin actively campaigned for him in 1972, when Nixon got 37 percent of the Jewish vote, up from 19 percent in 1968.” [28]
‘King loved Israel, Israel loved him’ propaganda has reached enormous proportions. Israel has an official ML King day and forest. Schneier, chair of the World Jewish Congress’s American Section, tells of “an article that appeared in the Saturday Review two months after the [1967] war ended.” According to Schneier, King wrote:
“You declare, my friend, that you do not hate the Jews, you are merely ‘anti-Zionist.’ And I say, let the truth ring forth from the high mountain tops, let it echo through the valleys of God’s green earth.When people criticize Zionism, they mean the Jews -- this is God’s own truth. Anti-Semitism ... has been and remains a blot on the soul of mankind. In this we are in full agreement. So know also this: anti-Zionist is inherently anti-Semitic, and ever will be so.” [29]
Schneier’s gives his source as “King, ‘Letter to an Anti-Zionist Friend,’ Saturday Review, 47 (August 1967), 76. Reprinted in King, This I Believe: Selections from the Writings of Dr. Martin Luther King, Jr. (New York, 1971), 234-235.” [30]
Except that this writer and Harlem’s Schomberg Library couldn’t locate the Letter or “This I Believe.” At my request, The Journal of Palestine Studies and the Library of Congress also sought and couldn’t discover them. On March 15, at a public meeting in New York’s Queens University, I asked Schneier to locate the Letter for me. “Contact my office.” I emailed his Foundation for Ethnic Understanding, waited, then phoned: “We got your email. We’re not supposed to talk to you.”
Off the record, Hoover had told some Congress Representatives and others about Levison and King’s sex life. After King’s April 1968 assassination, a journalist revealed that Robert Kennedy, then running in Democratic primaries to replace Johnson, had authorized wiretapping King, but there wasn’t much public focus on this. Then, on June 5, Kennedy was shot by Sirhan Sirhan, a Palestinian Christian.
Except for the usual conspiracy buffs, his jailers and today’s scholars agree that he did it on his own. But the assassination drew the public’s attention away from the tapping of King, and turned Kennedy into a Democratic martyr. With time, details of the wiretapping emerged, but today perhaps the best example of the party’s hypocrisy is its simultaneous iconic treatment of King and the two villains who spied on him.
After King’s slaying, Black movement splits deepened. John Lewis, Andrew Young, Jesse Jackson and others went into Democratic politics, hoping to get practical if limited reforms. But Stokely became the Black Panther “honorary Prime Minister” in 1968. He tried to make them into a community movement. He visited Newton, waiting a trial in jail. Huey thought the party would become a Northern SNCC, however Stokely told him
“That was not very likely if their most visible community program remained armed patrols monitoring police behavior in the streets.... We agreed that this image would only isolate the party out in front of the community, whereas, where they needed to be was deep inside the day-to-day fabric of the neighborhoods.”
Then the party’s leaders forbade more visits to Newton. In 1969, he and his wife, South African singer Miriam Makeba, moved to Guinea-Conakry.
In July he publicly rejected the Panthers. Stokely saw “the youth gang culture,” unsalable to “anybody’s aunt or the deacon board of the local church.” [31] He also disliked white lefts hailing the Panthers, thereby convincing themselves (and the FBI) that they were revolutionaries.
The Black Democrats and the Zionist-Apartheid Alliance
With Stokely in Africa, the disintegration of the Panthers in the 1970s, and federal enforcement of legal equality, the Black masses stopped demonstrating in the streets and voted southern Black Democrats into the House of Representatives. In 1977, Georgia Representative Andrew Young was appointed U.N. Ambassador. Then, on August 15, 1979, Young, who stood next to King when he was murdered, resigned over a secret discussion with the Palestine Liberation Organization after a U.S. promise not to talk to the P.L.O. until it recognized Israel.
Every sector of Black leadership was outraged. White diplomat Milton Wolf previously met the P.L.O., no resignation. Why then did Jimmy Carter accept his Black appointee’s resignation “with deep regret”? [32] Was it Zionist pressure? Over time Young said no, the issue was his repeated undisciplined public statements, etc., and he stayed loyal to the Democratic Party. Most leaders felt it was Israeli pressure but also stayed solidly Democratic.
Jesse Jackson, who dashed upstairs after the King shooting and appeared in a bloody shirt at the following press conference, ran for the Democratic presidential nomination in 1984 and 1988. On February 13, 1984, the Washington Post reported that “In private conversations with reporters, Jackson had referred to Jews as ‘Hymie’ and to New York as ‘Hymietown.’” On February 19 he lied: “It simply is not true,” [33] On February 26,1984, he apologized in a synagogue.
Neither before nor after the Hymietown affair was Jackson ever against a Zionist state. In 1984, with the Zionist-apartheid alliance before the world’s eyes, he was for no more than a weaponless sheep pen Palestinian Bantustan in the West Bank and Gaza. By 1988 he even announced that he would not, as President, meet with Yasser Arafat, then the P.L.O.’s leader, and babbled about understanding “the pain of the occupier.”
Many years later, in 2008, the New York Post reported that
“Jackson believes that, although 'Zionists who have controlled American policy for decades' remain strong, they'll lose a great deal of their clout when Barack Obama enters the White House.” [34]
Obama’s campaign immediately disassociated itself from Jackson’s comments. Indeed Jackson’s evolution certifies the thesis that closeness to King at any point doesn’t necessarily justify anyone’s further activities.
All scholars see Rustin as the most pro-Zionist of the Black civil rights Democrats. After his break with Stalinism he joined the Socialist Party and then, over time, he and the S.P. went into the Democratic Party.
Norman Thomas, the S.P.’s leading figure, developed a celebrity media reputation, running for President six times, 1928-48. He joined the Progressive Party, then quit over its obvious CP domination and ran his 1948 campaign to offer left of center anti-Stalinists an alternative to Truman and Wallace. He was very friendly with the anti-Zionist American Council for Judaism, but by then the public didn’t care what he thought about anything (139,569 votes, 0.3%).
Post 1953, Thomas secretly started taking money from Central Intelligence Agency Director Allen Dulles, who he knew from their college days. When did Rustin learn of this? Perhaps before February 22, 1967, when the Times ran an article, "Thomas Upholds CIA-Aided Work." [35]
The S.P. was minuscule and without influence until the mid-1950s, when Rustin linked up with King. In 1958, Max Shachtman, an SWP founder who broke with Trotsky in 1939, joined the S.P. and became Rustin’s mentor. Moving ever rightward, they were intensely anti-Stalinist and for the S.P. entering the Democratic Party. Getting anti-Stalinist AFL-CIO support for the southern struggle became their top priority.
Again, we don’t know exactly when Rustin learned that the AFL-CIO was working internationally with the CIA, but presumably it was before Tom Braden, former CIA foreign operations director, published "I'm Glad the CIA's Immoral," in the May 20, 1967 Saturday Evening Post. He proudly wrote of using the AFL-CIO to fund "strong-arm squads in Mediterranean ports, so that American supplies could be unloaded against the opposition of Communist dock workers." [36]
Later in 1967, after the Israeli-Arab “six-day war,” S.P. national secretary Irwin Suall, skeptical regarding Israel, went there and came back so pro-Zionist that he was appointed fact finding director of the Anti-Defamation League. ‘Fact finding’ translates into spying on “anti-Semitic” anti-Zionists, leftists, etc.
Rustin’s Vietnam war hawk stance took him away from dove King. The war debate also broke up the S.P. In 1973, Rustin and Suall, still for the Vietnam war, set up Social Democrats USA, with Rustin as National Chairman.
After the U.S. defeat, Rustin focused on Israel. In 1975 he set up a Black Americans in Support of Israel Committee, with heavy Black Democratic support and Zionist funding. Young signed up, as did David Dinkins, later mayor of New York, but it had no popular following with Israel’s alliance with apartheid South Africa before American Blacks’ eyes. Even Rustin had to voice a “deep sense of concern and disturbance” when Israel brought South African Prime Minister Johannes Vorster to the Wailing Wall in April 1976. [37] Yet his zealotry for Zionism continued. In 1984, he appeared as a character witness for Israeli defense minister Ariel Sharon when he sued Time Magazine for libel for a 1983 article saying that Sharon urged the Lebanese Phalangists to avenge leader Bachir Gemayel's death by the September 1982 Sabra and Shátila massacre of hundreds of Palestinians. To put Rustin’s testimony into perspective, readers should know that the Israeli government’s own Kahan Commission later found Israel indirectly responsible for the event and compelled Sharon to resign as head of the Ministry.
Rustin’s later-day pro-Zionism was looked upon as apostasy by many civil rights activists as they morphed into anti-apartheid fighters. To this day Reverend Matt Jones, the second most arrested civil rights era campaigner, will not sing at any demo on any issue unless he is allowed to denounce Israel. Elombe Brath, New York’s prime anti-apartheid organizer, routinely had this writer and other anti-Zionist Jews speak at anti-apartheid rallies.
The word got out to the broad community. Typically, a Jewish civil servant told me of how pleased her Black colleagues were when they complained about the apartheid alliance and discovered that she was anti-Zionist. But rank and file Black anti-apartheid activists focused on what Israel was doing to Africans via the alliance, rather than on what Zionism did to Palestinians and, after apartheid’s downfall, most didn’t continue on in the anti-Zionist movement.
On the electoral level, John Lewis and the Black Congressional Caucus talked against apartheid, but Michigan Democrat John Conyers went further and critiqued Israel’s alliance with apartheid. The other Caucus Democrats generally evaded the alliance, concerned about Zionist campaign contributions. But not talking about the alliance de facto meant not mobilizing the community, which would have asked about the collaboration, putting them on the spot re party funders. Conyers could talk about Israel because Michigan is the one state where Arabs are a significant proportion of the vote.
What Should We Learn from this History?
What must we learn from these decades of Black rights leaders’ thinking about Zionism, first as an idealistic notion, then as Israel, an on the ground political fact? The civil rights struggle was successful. Millions of Blacks gained legal equality. But King’s assassin killed the mind behind the Poor People’s Campaign. After his death, it organized one badly planed encampment in Washington, then vanished. Now King’s birthday is a legal holiday, but millions of Blacks and others still live in poverty. In 2010, America’s first Black President commemorated King’s birthday by going to a soup kitchen and feeding some poor. Did that traditional charitable gesture honor King? Of course not. That Black President then went right back to bailing out the rich.
The best way to honor the founder of the Poor People’s Campaign is to study his political strengths and weaknesses and then use that knowledge to help abolish poverty in America and injustice around the world. Studying his politics includes, among other things, dealing with his public pro-Israel statement, his off-the-record concerns about it, and his last two meetings with Carmichael, a proud anti-Zionist.
What would King have done had he lived thru years of open alliance between Zionism and apartheid? He would have been 84 in 2013. What would King say, today, when Israel is the only country in the U.N. that doesn’t condemn the U.S. embargo on Cuba, whose 41,000 soldiers were the decisive force defeating South Africa’s army in the battle of Cuito Cuanavale in Angola in 1987-88. That defeat convince apartheid’s leaders that it was time to hand over power to the African National Congress. Do you, dear reader, need a "weatherman" to know what King would have said, today, about the U.S, Cuba and Israeli apartheid?
NOTES
1 - Manning Marable, W.E.B. Du Bois: Black Radical Democrat, Twayne Publishers, Boston, 1986, p. 100.
2 - Margaret Truman, Harry S. Truman, Morrow, New York, 1973, p. 386.
3 - Daniel Guerin, Negroes on the March, 1951, Rene Julliard, Paris, [English edition, updated Oct. 9, 1954, published February 1956], pp. 116, 179.
4 - Scott Shane, “To Investigate or Not: Four Ways to Look Back at Bush,” New York Times,www.nytimes.com/2009/02/22/weekinreview
5 - Saul Friedlander, The Years of Extermination: Nazi Germany and the Jews, 1939-1945, Harper Collins, New York, 2007, p. 304.
6 - Eliyahu Matzozky, “The Responses of American Jewry and its Representative Organizations, November 24, 1942 and April 19, 1943,” unpublished Masters Thesis, Yeshiva University, app. II.
7 - Sarah Peck, “The Campaign for an American Response to the Nazi Holocaust, 1943-1945,” Journal of Contemporary History, April 1980, p. 374.
8 - Marc Schneier, Shared Dreams: Martin Luther King, Jr. & The Jewish Community, Jewish Lights Publishing, Woodstock, Vt., 2009, p. 45.
9 - Joachim Prinz, “America Must Not Remain Silent,” Congress bi-Weekly, October 7, 1963, p. 3.
10 - Joachim Prinz, “Zionism under the Nazi Government,” Young Zionist, London, November 1937, p. 18.
11 - Joachim Prinz and Lenni Brenner, “Excerpts from an Interview, February 8, 1981,” 51 Documents: Zionist Collaboration With The Nazis, Barricade Books, Fort Lee, NJ, 2002, pp. 104-105.
12 - http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Malcolm_X.
13 - http://mlk-kpp01.stanford.edu/index.php/encyclopedia/documentsentry telegram_from_martin_luther_king_jr_to_betty_al_shabazz/.
14 - George Breitman, The Last Year of Malcolm X: The Evolution of a Revolutionary, Pathfinder, New York, 1967, pp. 63, 92.
15 - http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki March_on_Washington#Controversy_over_John_Lewis.27_speech.
16 - Stokely Carmichael with Ekwueme Michael Thelwell, Ready for Revolution: The Life and Struggles of Stokely Carmichael (Kwame Ture), Scribner, New York, 2003, p. 557.
17 - Ibid, p. 558.
18 - Ibid, p. 558.
19 - Ibid, pp. 560-561.
20 - Michael Kaufman, “Stokely Carmichael, Rights Leader Who Coined 'Black Power,” Dies at 57,” New York Times, November 16, 1998 www.nytimes.com/1998/11/16/us/
21 - Murray Friedman, What Went Wrong: The Creation and Collapse of the Black-Jewish Alliance. Free Press, New York, 1995, pp. 248-249.
22 - Abraham Foxman, “Black Activist Disparages Jews,” New York Times (Letters), March 11, 1996, p.16.
23 - Lenni Brenner, “Anti-Zionism Doesn’t Equal Anti-Semitism,” New York Times, (Letters), March 16, 1996, p. A20.
24 - Michael Kaufman, “Stokely Carmichael, Rights Leader Who Coined 'Black Power,' Dies at 57,” New York Times, November 16, 1998
25 - Carmichael, pp. 647-648.
26 - Friedman, p. 252.
27 - Schneier, pp. 142, 182.
28 - John Rothman, “Nixon’s Israel support cannot excuse his anti-Semitism,” www.jweekly.com/article/full/4734/nixon-s-israel-support-cannot-excuse-his-anti-semitism.
29 - Schneier, p. 178.
30 - Ibid, p. 213.
31 - Carmichael, pp. 661-662.
32 - Robert Weisbord and Richard Kazarian, Jr., Israel in the Black American Perspective, Greenwood Press, Westport, Ct., 1985, p. 122.
33 - Rick Atkinson, “Peace with American Jews Eludes Jackson,” Washington Post, Feb. 13, 1984, p.186.
34 - http://blogs.abcnews.com/politicalpunch/2008/10/obama-camp-resp.html.
35 - "Thomas Upholds CIA-Aided Work." New York Times, Feb. 22, 1967, p.17.
36 - Tom Braden, "I'm Glad the CIA's Immoral," Saturday Evening Post, May 20, 1967, pp. 10-14.
37 - Weisbord and Kazarian, p. 94.
Sunday, 20 January 2013
Sylvia Stolz speaks...
You've met Galileo now meet Joan of Arc
This is Sylvia Stolz, defender of Ernst Zundel who, while properly defending her client also fell foul of Germany's quite incomprehensible Holocaust denial laws.
She refused to bend her knee and of course, paid the price.
She's been called the German Joan of Arc. A trifle overblown? Perhaps. But if ever a people needed a St Joan, it is the German people and if ever anyone had, at least a go at playing that role, it is Sylvia Stolz.
This is Sylvia Stolz, defender of Ernst Zundel who, while properly defending her client also fell foul of Germany's quite incomprehensible Holocaust denial laws.
She refused to bend her knee and of course, paid the price.
She's been called the German Joan of Arc. A trifle overblown? Perhaps. But if ever a people needed a St Joan, it is the German people and if ever anyone had, at least a go at playing that role, it is Sylvia Stolz.
Saturday, 19 January 2013
EU places Holocaust memorial on official calendar
Apart from the obvious outrage at the ever-increasing worship of the Holocaust suggested in this Times of Israel article, the picture is interesting.
Although the 'clouds of doom' in the background look a little dodgy and the 'death camps' in the caption is utterly absurd, my guess is that the picture is genuine.
But genuine or not, it's entirely consistent with the revisionist position and underlines what I've come to think: That the very real crime commited against many Jews was terrible enough without all this Holocaust nonsense.
JTA — The European Union has incorporated International Holocaust Remembrance Day, Jan. 27, into its official calendar.
“It is an honor for the institution that I lead to mark this day in such a dignified manner,” Martin Schulz, president of the European Parliament, said ahead of the ceremony, which for practical reasons is scheduled to take place in Brussels on Jan. 22.
For the past few years, the European Jewish Congress has noted the remembrance day with a ceremony at the European Parliament featuring EU speakers and guests. However, this year it was placed formally on the EU calendar.
“With the political gains of the far-right and neo-Nazi parties in European parliaments, the fact that this event is warmly embraced by the most prominent European institutions sends a strong message against hate, racism and anti-Semitism,” said Moshe Kantor, president of the European Jewish Congress, who will be opening the ceremony next week.
The theme of the event is a tribute to the Warsaw ghetto uprising fighters of 70 years ago.
In addition, EU Commissioner for Home Affairs Cecilia Malmstrom will officiate at the inauguration of a new room at the European Parliament bearing the name of Raoul Wallenberg, the Swedish diplomat who saved thousands of Jews during the Holocaust.
Jan. 27, the date in 1945 when Soviet troops liberated the Auschwitz death camp, was designated as a memorial day at the United Nations General Assembly in 2005.
Although the 'clouds of doom' in the background look a little dodgy and the 'death camps' in the caption is utterly absurd, my guess is that the picture is genuine.
But genuine or not, it's entirely consistent with the revisionist position and underlines what I've come to think: That the very real crime commited against many Jews was terrible enough without all this Holocaust nonsense.
Commemoration will honor the Warsaw ghetto uprising and Swedish diplomat Raoul Wallenberg
January 16, 2013, 10:21 pm

Jews in the Warsaw Ghetto are led by German soldiers to an assembly point for deportation to death camps, 1943. (photo credit: public domain)
JTA — The European Union has incorporated International Holocaust Remembrance Day, Jan. 27, into its official calendar.
“It is an honor for the institution that I lead to mark this day in such a dignified manner,” Martin Schulz, president of the European Parliament, said ahead of the ceremony, which for practical reasons is scheduled to take place in Brussels on Jan. 22.
For the past few years, the European Jewish Congress has noted the remembrance day with a ceremony at the European Parliament featuring EU speakers and guests. However, this year it was placed formally on the EU calendar.
“With the political gains of the far-right and neo-Nazi parties in European parliaments, the fact that this event is warmly embraced by the most prominent European institutions sends a strong message against hate, racism and anti-Semitism,” said Moshe Kantor, president of the European Jewish Congress, who will be opening the ceremony next week.
The theme of the event is a tribute to the Warsaw ghetto uprising fighters of 70 years ago.
In addition, EU Commissioner for Home Affairs Cecilia Malmstrom will officiate at the inauguration of a new room at the European Parliament bearing the name of Raoul Wallenberg, the Swedish diplomat who saved thousands of Jews during the Holocaust.
Jan. 27, the date in 1945 when Soviet troops liberated the Auschwitz death camp, was designated as a memorial day at the United Nations General Assembly in 2005.
Morsi 2010: Zionists are 'bloodsuckers' (And he's not entirely wrong)
Egypt’s Morsi, in 2010 interviews posted online, called Zionists ‘bloodsuckers’ and descendants of pigs, urged to sever all ties with Israel
Watchdog group posts footage and transcript of president’s incendiary remarks from two years before his election

The Muslim Brotherhood’s Mohammed Morsi gives an interview to Lebanese Al-Quds TV, in October 2010 (image capture MEMRI video)
Egypt’s President Mohammed Morsi described Zionists as “bloodsuckers” and descendants of apes and pigs, urged “military resistance” against Israel, and called to sever all ties with the Jewish state, in Arabic interviews that were posted on the Internet in 2010.
The footage was found, translated, reposted and transcribed this week by MEMRI, the Middle East Media Research Institute.
In the footage, described by MEMRI as “archival interviews” that were originally posted online in 2010, Morsi declares: “The Zionists have no right to the land of Palestine. There is no place for them on the land of Palestine. What they took before 1947-8 constitutes plunder, and what they are doing now is a continuation of this plundering. By no means do we recognize their Green Line. The land of Palestine belongs to the Palestinians, not to the Zionists.”
Since winning Egypt’s first democratic elections last June, after the ousting of longtime president Hosni Mubarak, Morsi has significantly toned down his anti-Israel rhetoric. Morsi’s ascent to power sparked fears among Israelis regarding the future of the 1979 peace treaty. However, his voiced assurances that he would respect Egypt’s international obligations — as well as his appointment of a new ambassador to Tel Aviv in October after nearly a year’s absence — went some way to alleviate concerns.
The Egyptian president also exchanged correspondence with his Israeli counterpart Shimon Peres on two occasions in recent months — once in July, shortly after coming into office, and again in a letter of credence handed to Peres during the new ambassador’s inauguration.
“Great and good friend,” Morsi wrote in the protocol-following letter to Peres, “being desirous of maintaining and strengthening the cordial relations which so happily exist between our two countries, I have selected Mr. Atef Mohamed Salem Sayed El Ahl to be our ambassador extraordinary and plenipotentiary.”
In both cases, Morsi came under harsh criticism from members of the Muslim Brotherhood for the missives.
However, Morsi’s attitude to Israel has also seen downturns during his brief months in office.
Egypt recalled its ambassador in November after Israel launched Operation Pillar of Defense against terrorist organizations in the Hamas-controlled Gaza Strip. A month earlier, Morsi was captured on video mouthing the word “Amen” after a prayer service in Cairo, where the preacher urged Allah to “destroy the Jews and their supporters.”
Since then, Morsi has been largely silent on Israel, despite helping broker a ceasefire agreement between Israel and Hamas, ending the eight-day Pillar of Defense conflict in which the air force conducted hundreds of strikes on military targets in Gaza, and terrorists fired roughly 1,500 rockets on Israeli communities.
In the 2010 interviews highlighted by MEMRI, Morsi is seen dismissing the Israeli-Palestinian peace process as a waste of time.
“These futile [Israeli-Palestinian] negotiations are a waste of time and opportunities. The Zionists buy time and gain more opportunities, as the Palestinians, the Arabs, and the Muslims lose time and opportunities, and they get nothing out of it. We can see how this dream has dissipated. This dream has always been an illusion… This [Palestinian] Authority was created by the Zionist and American enemies for the sole purpose of opposing the will of the Palestinian people and its interests,” said Morsi to Lebanese al-Quds TV. “No reasonable person can expect any progress on this track. Either [you accept] the Zionists and everything they want, or else it is war. This is what these occupiers of the land of Palestine know — these blood-suckers, who attack the Palestinians, these warmongers, the descendants of apes and pigs.”
Morsi was also recorded urging Palestinians, as well as Muslims around the world, to engage in “resistance” to the Zionist cause.
“There should be military resistance within the land of Palestine against those criminal Zionists, who attack Palestine and the Palestinians. There should also be political resistance and economic resistance through a boycott, as well as by supporting the resistance fighters. This should be the practice of the Muslims and the Arabs outside Palestine,” Morsi said. “None of the Arab or Muslim peoples and regimes should have dealings with them. Pressure should be exerted upon them. They must not be given any opportunity, and must not stand on any Arab or Islamic land. They must be driven out of our countries.”
Morsi also uttered traditional anti-Semitic canards about the nature of Jews. ”They have been fanning the flames of civil strife wherever they were throughout history. They are hostile by nature,” he said.
Prof. Tony Martin 1942 -,2013)
I was sorry to learn,just a minute ago, that Tony Martin had died. I hope the material below will go some way to showing you the measure of the man.
Professor Tony Martin & the Jewish Onslaught
Incident at Wellesley College:
Jewish Attack on Black Academics
by Tony Martin
In 1993, Prof. Tony Martin added the Nation of Islam’s book The Secret Relationship Between Blacks and Jews, Vol. 1 to his Wellesley College course on Black History. Thus began the Jewish Onslaught against him and all Black academics in America.
Biography
TONY MARTIN has taught at Wellesley College, Massachusetts, since 1973. He was tenured in 1975 and has been a full professor of Africana Studies since 1979. Prior to coming to Wellesley he taught at the University of Michigan-Flint, the Cipriani Labour College (Trinidad) and St. Mary's College (Trinidad). He has been a visiting professor at the University of Minnesota, Brandeis University, Brown University and The Colorado College. He also spent a year as an honorary research fellow at the University of the West Indies, Trinidad.
Professor Martin has authored or compiled and edited eleven books, including Literary Garveyism: Garvey, Black Arts and the Harlem Renaissance and the classic study of the Garvey Movement, Race First: the Ideological and Organizational Struggles of Marcus Garvey and the Universal Negro Improvement Association. In 1965 he qualified as a barrister-at-law at the Honourable Society of Gray's Inn (London). He did his M.A. and Ph.D. in history at Michigan State University and the B.Sc. honours degree in economics at the University of Hull (England).
Professor Martin is currently working on biographies of three Caribbean women -- Amy Ashwood Garvey, Audrey Jeffers and Trinidad's Kathleen Davis ("Auntie Kay"). He is also nearing completion of The Afro-Trinidadian: Endangered Species/Oh, What a Nation and a study of European Jewish immigration to Trinidad in the 1930's.
Incident at Wellesley College:
Jewish Attack on Black Academics
by Tony Martin
In January 1993, I was minding my own business and teaching my Wellesley College survey course on African American History when a funny thing happened. The long arm of Jewish intolerance reached into my classroom. Unknown to me, three student officers of the Jewish Hillel organization (campus B'nai B'rith stablemates of the Anti-Defamation League), sat in on my class and remained for a single period only. Their purpose was to monitor my presentation. As one of them explained in a campus meeting later, Jewish students had noticed The Secret Relationship Between Blacks and Jews among my offerings in the school bookstore. The book documents the considerable Jewish involvement in the transatlantic African slave trade, the dissemination of which knowledge they, as Jews, considered an "anti-Semitic" and most "hateful" act.
One hour and ten minutes undercover convinced these three young Jews that I was teaching this book as a legitimate historical work. They seemed to think that it belonged rather in the realm of "hate literature."
There appears to have been some prior collusion between the Hillel students and their adult counterpart, the Anti-Defamation League, for Hillel almost immediately began passing out ADL materials targeting the book. These included, inevitably, an ADL reprint of "Black Demagogues and Pseudo-Scholars" by Harvard University's Henry Louis Gates, Jr., (New York Times, 20 July, 1992), African America's most notorious Judaeophile. In the weeks and months to come, Gates would be quoted in nearly every attack on my use of the book, as proof that "all" respectable, distinguished and right thinking African American scholars condemned it. The Jews unilaterally anointed Gates with the mantle of head African American scholar in charge of Black academia. He became, in their contrived and wishful thinking, the personification of the entire African American community.
The Hillel activists left my class and headed straight for the president, dean and associate dean of the college. They then went to the current chair of my own department, Africana Studies. Like their elders (for example in the American Israel Public Affairs Committee, by whom Hillel operatives are formally trained in the art of deception and dirty tricks), they evinced a bulldog-like instinct for going after the jugular of their intended victims. For the last three decades of Jewish assaults on Black progress, that jugular has usually meant the economic livelihood of Black people.
By the time that four of the Hillel executive and their rabbi director came to see me they had already mobilized those they perceived of as capable of doing me grievous economic harm. Their task was made considerably less arduous by the fact that the dean of the college, incoming acting president, outgoing chair of the board of trustees, incoming chair of the board of trustees, head and deputy head of the student government, most of the faculty holding endowed chairs and a goodly portion of the tenured faculty, not to mention sundry other persons in high positions, were all Jews. The dean of the college is also on the advisory board of the Friends of Wellesley Hillel.
Dr. Martin's Self-Defense
In January 1993, on the eve of the Jewish onslaught against me (for teaching that Jews were implicated in the African slave trade), I already had some interest in Black-Jewish relations. It is difficult not to, if one teaches African American history. I had also done some research on Jewish refugee immigration to Trinidad in the 1930's and '40's. This research was facilitated by the cordial cooperation of Jewish informants in two Caribbean countries. United States Jews encountered in the course of the research displayed the gamut of reactions, from friendliness to suspicion to hostility. The idea of a Black man turning up at a Jewish archive to research Jewish history proved unnerving to some. (On the other hand, Jewish scholars are a familiar sight at Black archives, not only as researchers but sometimes even as staff archivists. One of the most prestigious of the Black archival repositories, the Moorland- Spingarn Collection of Howard University, is actually part-named after a Jew).
At one of the Jewish archives I visited, the lady in charge characteristically put me through the appropriate litmus test. "Do you know Len Jeffries?" she asked, with the mien of one presiding over an inquisition. "I wonder if knowing Len Jeffries automatically disqualifies me from using these archives," I mused to myself. But, like George Washington, I could not tell a lie, so I was constrained to be forthcoming. "Yes, I know him," I replied. "We are professional colleagues. I have known him for many years." She was visibly taken aback by this answer and I feared the worst.
She regained her composure, however, and the interrogation continued. "Have you read The Secret Relationship Between Blacks and Jews?" "I have heard of it," I replied truthfully, "but I have not read it. Funny enough, though, I passed someone selling it on the sidewalk just a few minutes ago." My reading of the book was still a few months into the future, but already I could not fathom what all the fuss was about. "If it is established," I suggested to her, "that white people enslaved Africans, and if Jews were an important part of white society, then why should anyone be upset by a book that illustrates the Jewish role in the slave trade?"
My innocent question now appears to have been imbued with prophetic insight. Or maybe it was simply a case of famous last words. The fact that I cannot remember with precision what her response was, in an otherwise clearly recollected conversation, probably reflects the imprecision of her answer. She could not come up with a coherent rationale for her denunciation of the book. As I reflect in hindsight on that conversation, with the benefit of six months of the Jewish onslaught to guide me, it seems as if the major Jewish agencies issue edicts, as it were. Then the Jewish rank and file simply fall in line. "Theirs not to make reply,/Theirs not to reason why,/ Theirs but to do and die...." The power of the Jewish leadership over their constituency is impressive indeed, the presence of some dissenting voices notwithstanding.
But our conversation was not over yet. It was to take an even more unexpected turn. "Have you heard of the Crown Heights riots?" she enquired, referring to tensions between the Black and Hasidic Jewish communities in Brooklyn, New York. A confrontation had been triggered by the unpunished killing of young Gavin Cato and the maiming of his cousin Angela Cato by a Hasidic vehicle, as the children played on the sidewalk in front of their house. A Jewish student, Yankel Rosenbaum, was killed in the ensuing scuffles. "Yankel Rosenbaum was doing research right here," she said. "He was in here every day, reading the files, just like you. He sat at the same table where we have placed your materials." Even with my own personal Jewish onslaught still many months into the future, this revelation proved a sobering one to me. And as I ponder it with the benefit of a tempestuous hindsight, I wonder what inscrutable fate brought me to this archive, to this conversation, to Yankel Rosenbaum's table, at a time when my authorship of a book called The Jewish Onslaught would have seemed a bizarre improbability.
I could not know then that I would ere long be plunged into an intense reading of Jewish and Black-Jewish history, covering many lands and historical periods, as I sought to bring to my situation a more wide-ranging perspective. The onslaught of the last six months now threatens to turn me into an expert on Jewish history. For that I must thank the purveyors of intolerance with whom I have had to do battle of late.
What I offer here is an involved yet detached look at the onslaught against me, from my unique vantage point as both intended victim and historian. This is written in the heat of battle. Perhaps time, further study and more reflection may either modify or enrich the analysis offered here. But the immediacy of analysis can only be captured now.
Over the last six months I have been fairly deluged with articles, books, newspaper clippings, letters, unpublished documents and references for further perusal. As if obeying the orders of an unseen force, well-wishers (known and unknown) have seen to it that my crash course in Black-Jewish history should not be wanting in resource materials. Even the senders of hate and hostile mail have fit into the plan, for their clippings have been useful and informative.
Editorial Statement
Barely a week after the publication of The Jewish Onslaught, Wellesley's new president, Diana Chapman Walsh, has taken the extraordinary step of issuing a formal denunciation of the new book. In a December 9, 1993 statement disseminated to all students, faculty, staff, alumnae and "friends of the college" she declares as follows -- "We are profoundly disturbed and saddened by Professor Martin's new book because it gratuitously attacks individuals and groups at Wellesley College through innuendo and the application of racial and religious stereotype."
Due to President Walsh's newness on campus, it can plausibly be surmised that she has relied heavily on the opinions of her advisors. The baleful influence of these shadowy figures is plainly evident in the palpable one-sidedness of the presidential proclamation, in its reliance on sweeping derogatory generalizations and in its inability to support its assertions with documentation of any sort. In all these ways and more the presidential statement is reflective of official and quasi-official approaches of the last twelve months.
Our new president has squandered a golden opportunity to bring fresh leadership and even-handed tolerance to the present controversy.
Martin on the Presidential Denunciation of The Jewish Onslaught
The Jewish Onslaught was published as a response to the unprincipled attacks, defamatory statements, assaults on my livelihood and physical threats directed against me for several months. These emanated principally from the Jewish community and its agents and were triggered by my classroom use of a work detailing Jewish involvement in the African slave trade. In The Jewish Onslaught I sought to put my subjective situation into the context of deteriorating Black-Jewish relations of recent decades. I also attempted to evaluate the tactics used against me in the context of the well-documented dirty tricks that the Jewish groups have used against me in the context of the well-documented dirty tricks that the Jewish groups have used against Andrew Young, Jesse Jackson, David Dinkins, Minister Louis Farrakhan, Len Jeffries, Black parents in Ocean Hill-Brownsville (Brooklyn) and any number of Euro-American individuals and organizations.
The Jewish Onslaught is a book of analysis supported by normal scholarly documentation. There is not a single "stereotype" or generalization in it that is not buttressed by evidence, either from my personal experience of the last year or from the historical record. I challenge President Walsh to move from her broad derogatory generalizations to specific instances to prove otherwise.
President Walsh, like many of the Jewish spokespersons, has a problem with my "recurrent" and allegedly "gratuitous" utilization of "racial or religious identification of individuals...." This is her way of saying that Black people are not allowed to respond to Jews as Jews. Even after being attacked primarily by the Hillel Foundation, American Jewish Committee, Anti-Defamation League, American Jewish Congress, Jewish Community Relations Council and every Jewish newspaper and spokesperson for miles around, I am supposed to maintain the fiction that the onslaught against me is ethnically and religiously indeterminate.
A recent article in Black Books Bulletin mentions over twenty books on Black-Jewish relations in the personal library of its author. The author is aware of only two books by Blacks on the subject. If President Walsh (and the Jewish community) are to have their way, then this will forever remain a one-way discourse. I therefore ask again, as I asked in The Jewish Onslaught, "What makes Jews so special? By what dispensation in Adam's will do they enjoy monopolistic privileges over a debate that concerns Blacks as well as Jews? Who has placed them beyond the reach of scholarly enquiry and ethnic identification?"
President Walsh claims that The Jewish Onslaught "violates the basic principles" of, among other things, the "norms of civil discourse." Yet, in her zeal to uncover "innuendo" in my work she seems to have missed the blatant lack of civility in the many articles attacking me. Is she not aware of Professor Marcellus Andrews' Wellesley News reference to me as a "racist Pied Piper?" Did no one show her his description of Wellesley's Black women as "intellectually weak and morally lazy?" Did Mary Lefkowitz, Mellon Professor in the Humanities, neglect to send President Walsh a complimentary copy of her article in Measure (No. 118, September/October 1993), wherein she maliciously and scurrilously alleged that I called a student "a white fucking bitch?" Lefkowitz alleged further that "The young woman fell down as a result of his onslaught and Martin bent over to continue his rage at her." Did President Walsh not see, in her reading of The Jewish Onslaught, the text of a racist cartoon by a Wellesley alumna in the Boston Jewish Times? The cartoonist designated Black women as "Ms. Washington" (no different than the "Hymietown" remark that Jews claimed to be so scandalized by) and seemed to suggest that Black students be taught from the works of segregationists, Ku Kluxers and pseudo-scientific racists. Did President Walsh not read the Jewish hate mail reproduced in The Jewish Onslaught ? "I hate niggers to my very bone marrow," ran a typical sentence. "Not all Jews debate apes. Some of us want them all to die." I have been a veritable oasis of civility in the present debate.
I agree with Justice Holmes, as quoted by President Walsh -- "The best test of truth is the power of the thought to get itself accepted in the competition of the market." The Jewish onslaught has consistently striven to stifle the "competition of the market" by its defamatory rantings and its demands for my dismissal. The present presidential proclamation regrettably ranges itself alongside this ignoble campaign.
But "the competition of the market" has yet managed to assert itself, as can be seen in the steadily shifting positions of the onslaught. From an initial denial that Jews had any role in African slavery at all, there slowly emerged a reluctant admission of minor and peripheral involvement. As the debate intensified and the Jewish denial of the undeniable threatened to expose its adherents to ridicule, the Washington Post (first among major newspapers, to the best of my knowledge), was finally permitted to admit the full extent of Jewish culpability. In a carefully staged (and not at all pro-Black article) of October 17, 1993 the deniers of Jewish involvement in the African holocaust were shown to be as wrong as they could be.
The present controversy demands honest dialogue, not crude attempts at demonization. If President Walsh desires to extricate herself from the hole into which she has fallen, let her collaborate with me (and with interested students), on the convening at Wellesley College of a serious scholarly conference on the role of Jews in the African slave trade. She can invite Skip Gates, Cornel West and anyone else acceptable to the Jewish establishment to argue their case. I will nominate an equal number of scholars to defend the perspective which I endorse. The spirit of Justice Holmes will be lifted.
As my mother used to say, "One hand can't clap." As Ray Charles was wont to soulfully sing, "It takes two to tango."
Anti Martin Hatred
Internet Threats
Amherst · An Internet computer message suggested the arming of Jews to kill Blacks immediately following a scholarly address on Black history to the University of Massachusetts community. This threat of violence appeared in the Discussion Group for the National Faculty Network, a collection of college professors throughout the United States. The message was posted to the network the night of the lecture in which Wellesley College professor Tony Martin outlined the oppressive structure of the African slave trade. The computer mailbox address indicated that the writer is a Jewish professor at Mount Holyoke College in Massachusetts who attended the event:
" Shalom all. I am still shaking right now....I just walked in the door....I know with the Hillel here we are together in a great community -- working on a response to the disgusting events of tonight...but for now I am asking all of you for a response. Learn to operate AK-47, and have good supply of ammunition, so you will be ready when they come to kill us....
And how do we stop these anti-semites from speaking? I doubt there is a way to stop them from speaking. They are more numerous and more prepared to use raw brute force. Even if you could take them to court and win an injuction against these bastards, it will just be seized upon by the rest of the blacks as further evidence of a Jewish conspiracy against blacks."
According to campus police, the gathering, sponsored by the Black student organization, was completely peaceful and the participants were law-abiding. Martin is the author of thirteen books and numerous articles and is the world's foremost expert on the Marcus Garvey movement. According to sources, Professor Martin was immediately informed of the threat but would not comment on security operations.
Jew Stalks Black professor
Russian-Jewish stalker claiming to be "on a mission" threatened to attack Professor Tony Martin at his Wellesley College office. Martin, whose best-selling book The Jewish Onslaught examines the role of organized Jewry in a slanderous attack on Afrocentricity, was unharmed and not present during the April 21 incident.
A "profusely sweating" Alexander Nechaevsky, 34, told campus police that after viewing a televised lecture by Dr. Martin he found him to be "rude and a racist" and came to "confront" him about his views. In the lecture Martin outlined the Jewish origin of the Hamitic Myth which claims that Black humans are cursed black by God and which provided justification for the African slave trade.
Nechaevsky ranted that "he was not a Jewish wimp and that he was from Russia where they know how to handle things." He then conversed at length with a Jewish professor who has led the campus onslaught against Martin.
Martin said that he is not surprised at the attack. "Part of the Jewish onslaught against Black thinkers is to create an atmosphere of intolerance which leads to violent confrontations."
Police ejected Nechaevsky and banned him from Wellesley College property. Later, Martin's office received telephone threats saying that "Tony Martin better watch his step."
Professor Tony Martin & the Jewish Onslaught
Incident at Wellesley College:
Jewish Attack on Black Academics
by Tony Martin
In 1993, Prof. Tony Martin added the Nation of Islam’s book The Secret Relationship Between Blacks and Jews, Vol. 1 to his Wellesley College course on Black History. Thus began the Jewish Onslaught against him and all Black academics in America.
Biography
TONY MARTIN has taught at Wellesley College, Massachusetts, since 1973. He was tenured in 1975 and has been a full professor of Africana Studies since 1979. Prior to coming to Wellesley he taught at the University of Michigan-Flint, the Cipriani Labour College (Trinidad) and St. Mary's College (Trinidad). He has been a visiting professor at the University of Minnesota, Brandeis University, Brown University and The Colorado College. He also spent a year as an honorary research fellow at the University of the West Indies, Trinidad.
Professor Martin has authored or compiled and edited eleven books, including Literary Garveyism: Garvey, Black Arts and the Harlem Renaissance and the classic study of the Garvey Movement, Race First: the Ideological and Organizational Struggles of Marcus Garvey and the Universal Negro Improvement Association. In 1965 he qualified as a barrister-at-law at the Honourable Society of Gray's Inn (London). He did his M.A. and Ph.D. in history at Michigan State University and the B.Sc. honours degree in economics at the University of Hull (England).
Professor Martin is currently working on biographies of three Caribbean women -- Amy Ashwood Garvey, Audrey Jeffers and Trinidad's Kathleen Davis ("Auntie Kay"). He is also nearing completion of The Afro-Trinidadian: Endangered Species/Oh, What a Nation and a study of European Jewish immigration to Trinidad in the 1930's.
Incident at Wellesley College:
Jewish Attack on Black Academics
by Tony Martin
In January 1993, I was minding my own business and teaching my Wellesley College survey course on African American History when a funny thing happened. The long arm of Jewish intolerance reached into my classroom. Unknown to me, three student officers of the Jewish Hillel organization (campus B'nai B'rith stablemates of the Anti-Defamation League), sat in on my class and remained for a single period only. Their purpose was to monitor my presentation. As one of them explained in a campus meeting later, Jewish students had noticed The Secret Relationship Between Blacks and Jews among my offerings in the school bookstore. The book documents the considerable Jewish involvement in the transatlantic African slave trade, the dissemination of which knowledge they, as Jews, considered an "anti-Semitic" and most "hateful" act.
One hour and ten minutes undercover convinced these three young Jews that I was teaching this book as a legitimate historical work. They seemed to think that it belonged rather in the realm of "hate literature."
There appears to have been some prior collusion between the Hillel students and their adult counterpart, the Anti-Defamation League, for Hillel almost immediately began passing out ADL materials targeting the book. These included, inevitably, an ADL reprint of "Black Demagogues and Pseudo-Scholars" by Harvard University's Henry Louis Gates, Jr., (New York Times, 20 July, 1992), African America's most notorious Judaeophile. In the weeks and months to come, Gates would be quoted in nearly every attack on my use of the book, as proof that "all" respectable, distinguished and right thinking African American scholars condemned it. The Jews unilaterally anointed Gates with the mantle of head African American scholar in charge of Black academia. He became, in their contrived and wishful thinking, the personification of the entire African American community.
The Hillel activists left my class and headed straight for the president, dean and associate dean of the college. They then went to the current chair of my own department, Africana Studies. Like their elders (for example in the American Israel Public Affairs Committee, by whom Hillel operatives are formally trained in the art of deception and dirty tricks), they evinced a bulldog-like instinct for going after the jugular of their intended victims. For the last three decades of Jewish assaults on Black progress, that jugular has usually meant the economic livelihood of Black people.
By the time that four of the Hillel executive and their rabbi director came to see me they had already mobilized those they perceived of as capable of doing me grievous economic harm. Their task was made considerably less arduous by the fact that the dean of the college, incoming acting president, outgoing chair of the board of trustees, incoming chair of the board of trustees, head and deputy head of the student government, most of the faculty holding endowed chairs and a goodly portion of the tenured faculty, not to mention sundry other persons in high positions, were all Jews. The dean of the college is also on the advisory board of the Friends of Wellesley Hillel.
Dr. Martin's Self-Defense
In January 1993, on the eve of the Jewish onslaught against me (for teaching that Jews were implicated in the African slave trade), I already had some interest in Black-Jewish relations. It is difficult not to, if one teaches African American history. I had also done some research on Jewish refugee immigration to Trinidad in the 1930's and '40's. This research was facilitated by the cordial cooperation of Jewish informants in two Caribbean countries. United States Jews encountered in the course of the research displayed the gamut of reactions, from friendliness to suspicion to hostility. The idea of a Black man turning up at a Jewish archive to research Jewish history proved unnerving to some. (On the other hand, Jewish scholars are a familiar sight at Black archives, not only as researchers but sometimes even as staff archivists. One of the most prestigious of the Black archival repositories, the Moorland- Spingarn Collection of Howard University, is actually part-named after a Jew).
At one of the Jewish archives I visited, the lady in charge characteristically put me through the appropriate litmus test. "Do you know Len Jeffries?" she asked, with the mien of one presiding over an inquisition. "I wonder if knowing Len Jeffries automatically disqualifies me from using these archives," I mused to myself. But, like George Washington, I could not tell a lie, so I was constrained to be forthcoming. "Yes, I know him," I replied. "We are professional colleagues. I have known him for many years." She was visibly taken aback by this answer and I feared the worst.
She regained her composure, however, and the interrogation continued. "Have you read The Secret Relationship Between Blacks and Jews?" "I have heard of it," I replied truthfully, "but I have not read it. Funny enough, though, I passed someone selling it on the sidewalk just a few minutes ago." My reading of the book was still a few months into the future, but already I could not fathom what all the fuss was about. "If it is established," I suggested to her, "that white people enslaved Africans, and if Jews were an important part of white society, then why should anyone be upset by a book that illustrates the Jewish role in the slave trade?"
My innocent question now appears to have been imbued with prophetic insight. Or maybe it was simply a case of famous last words. The fact that I cannot remember with precision what her response was, in an otherwise clearly recollected conversation, probably reflects the imprecision of her answer. She could not come up with a coherent rationale for her denunciation of the book. As I reflect in hindsight on that conversation, with the benefit of six months of the Jewish onslaught to guide me, it seems as if the major Jewish agencies issue edicts, as it were. Then the Jewish rank and file simply fall in line. "Theirs not to make reply,/Theirs not to reason why,/ Theirs but to do and die...." The power of the Jewish leadership over their constituency is impressive indeed, the presence of some dissenting voices notwithstanding.
But our conversation was not over yet. It was to take an even more unexpected turn. "Have you heard of the Crown Heights riots?" she enquired, referring to tensions between the Black and Hasidic Jewish communities in Brooklyn, New York. A confrontation had been triggered by the unpunished killing of young Gavin Cato and the maiming of his cousin Angela Cato by a Hasidic vehicle, as the children played on the sidewalk in front of their house. A Jewish student, Yankel Rosenbaum, was killed in the ensuing scuffles. "Yankel Rosenbaum was doing research right here," she said. "He was in here every day, reading the files, just like you. He sat at the same table where we have placed your materials." Even with my own personal Jewish onslaught still many months into the future, this revelation proved a sobering one to me. And as I ponder it with the benefit of a tempestuous hindsight, I wonder what inscrutable fate brought me to this archive, to this conversation, to Yankel Rosenbaum's table, at a time when my authorship of a book called The Jewish Onslaught would have seemed a bizarre improbability.
I could not know then that I would ere long be plunged into an intense reading of Jewish and Black-Jewish history, covering many lands and historical periods, as I sought to bring to my situation a more wide-ranging perspective. The onslaught of the last six months now threatens to turn me into an expert on Jewish history. For that I must thank the purveyors of intolerance with whom I have had to do battle of late.
What I offer here is an involved yet detached look at the onslaught against me, from my unique vantage point as both intended victim and historian. This is written in the heat of battle. Perhaps time, further study and more reflection may either modify or enrich the analysis offered here. But the immediacy of analysis can only be captured now.
Over the last six months I have been fairly deluged with articles, books, newspaper clippings, letters, unpublished documents and references for further perusal. As if obeying the orders of an unseen force, well-wishers (known and unknown) have seen to it that my crash course in Black-Jewish history should not be wanting in resource materials. Even the senders of hate and hostile mail have fit into the plan, for their clippings have been useful and informative.
Editorial Statement
Barely a week after the publication of The Jewish Onslaught, Wellesley's new president, Diana Chapman Walsh, has taken the extraordinary step of issuing a formal denunciation of the new book. In a December 9, 1993 statement disseminated to all students, faculty, staff, alumnae and "friends of the college" she declares as follows -- "We are profoundly disturbed and saddened by Professor Martin's new book because it gratuitously attacks individuals and groups at Wellesley College through innuendo and the application of racial and religious stereotype."
Due to President Walsh's newness on campus, it can plausibly be surmised that she has relied heavily on the opinions of her advisors. The baleful influence of these shadowy figures is plainly evident in the palpable one-sidedness of the presidential proclamation, in its reliance on sweeping derogatory generalizations and in its inability to support its assertions with documentation of any sort. In all these ways and more the presidential statement is reflective of official and quasi-official approaches of the last twelve months.
Our new president has squandered a golden opportunity to bring fresh leadership and even-handed tolerance to the present controversy.
Martin on the Presidential Denunciation of The Jewish Onslaught
The Jewish Onslaught was published as a response to the unprincipled attacks, defamatory statements, assaults on my livelihood and physical threats directed against me for several months. These emanated principally from the Jewish community and its agents and were triggered by my classroom use of a work detailing Jewish involvement in the African slave trade. In The Jewish Onslaught I sought to put my subjective situation into the context of deteriorating Black-Jewish relations of recent decades. I also attempted to evaluate the tactics used against me in the context of the well-documented dirty tricks that the Jewish groups have used against me in the context of the well-documented dirty tricks that the Jewish groups have used against Andrew Young, Jesse Jackson, David Dinkins, Minister Louis Farrakhan, Len Jeffries, Black parents in Ocean Hill-Brownsville (Brooklyn) and any number of Euro-American individuals and organizations.
The Jewish Onslaught is a book of analysis supported by normal scholarly documentation. There is not a single "stereotype" or generalization in it that is not buttressed by evidence, either from my personal experience of the last year or from the historical record. I challenge President Walsh to move from her broad derogatory generalizations to specific instances to prove otherwise.
President Walsh, like many of the Jewish spokespersons, has a problem with my "recurrent" and allegedly "gratuitous" utilization of "racial or religious identification of individuals...." This is her way of saying that Black people are not allowed to respond to Jews as Jews. Even after being attacked primarily by the Hillel Foundation, American Jewish Committee, Anti-Defamation League, American Jewish Congress, Jewish Community Relations Council and every Jewish newspaper and spokesperson for miles around, I am supposed to maintain the fiction that the onslaught against me is ethnically and religiously indeterminate.
A recent article in Black Books Bulletin mentions over twenty books on Black-Jewish relations in the personal library of its author. The author is aware of only two books by Blacks on the subject. If President Walsh (and the Jewish community) are to have their way, then this will forever remain a one-way discourse. I therefore ask again, as I asked in The Jewish Onslaught, "What makes Jews so special? By what dispensation in Adam's will do they enjoy monopolistic privileges over a debate that concerns Blacks as well as Jews? Who has placed them beyond the reach of scholarly enquiry and ethnic identification?"
President Walsh claims that The Jewish Onslaught "violates the basic principles" of, among other things, the "norms of civil discourse." Yet, in her zeal to uncover "innuendo" in my work she seems to have missed the blatant lack of civility in the many articles attacking me. Is she not aware of Professor Marcellus Andrews' Wellesley News reference to me as a "racist Pied Piper?" Did no one show her his description of Wellesley's Black women as "intellectually weak and morally lazy?" Did Mary Lefkowitz, Mellon Professor in the Humanities, neglect to send President Walsh a complimentary copy of her article in Measure (No. 118, September/October 1993), wherein she maliciously and scurrilously alleged that I called a student "a white fucking bitch?" Lefkowitz alleged further that "The young woman fell down as a result of his onslaught and Martin bent over to continue his rage at her." Did President Walsh not see, in her reading of The Jewish Onslaught, the text of a racist cartoon by a Wellesley alumna in the Boston Jewish Times? The cartoonist designated Black women as "Ms. Washington" (no different than the "Hymietown" remark that Jews claimed to be so scandalized by) and seemed to suggest that Black students be taught from the works of segregationists, Ku Kluxers and pseudo-scientific racists. Did President Walsh not read the Jewish hate mail reproduced in The Jewish Onslaught ? "I hate niggers to my very bone marrow," ran a typical sentence. "Not all Jews debate apes. Some of us want them all to die." I have been a veritable oasis of civility in the present debate.
I agree with Justice Holmes, as quoted by President Walsh -- "The best test of truth is the power of the thought to get itself accepted in the competition of the market." The Jewish onslaught has consistently striven to stifle the "competition of the market" by its defamatory rantings and its demands for my dismissal. The present presidential proclamation regrettably ranges itself alongside this ignoble campaign.
But "the competition of the market" has yet managed to assert itself, as can be seen in the steadily shifting positions of the onslaught. From an initial denial that Jews had any role in African slavery at all, there slowly emerged a reluctant admission of minor and peripheral involvement. As the debate intensified and the Jewish denial of the undeniable threatened to expose its adherents to ridicule, the Washington Post (first among major newspapers, to the best of my knowledge), was finally permitted to admit the full extent of Jewish culpability. In a carefully staged (and not at all pro-Black article) of October 17, 1993 the deniers of Jewish involvement in the African holocaust were shown to be as wrong as they could be.
The present controversy demands honest dialogue, not crude attempts at demonization. If President Walsh desires to extricate herself from the hole into which she has fallen, let her collaborate with me (and with interested students), on the convening at Wellesley College of a serious scholarly conference on the role of Jews in the African slave trade. She can invite Skip Gates, Cornel West and anyone else acceptable to the Jewish establishment to argue their case. I will nominate an equal number of scholars to defend the perspective which I endorse. The spirit of Justice Holmes will be lifted.
As my mother used to say, "One hand can't clap." As Ray Charles was wont to soulfully sing, "It takes two to tango."
Anti Martin Hatred
Internet Threats
Amherst · An Internet computer message suggested the arming of Jews to kill Blacks immediately following a scholarly address on Black history to the University of Massachusetts community. This threat of violence appeared in the Discussion Group for the National Faculty Network, a collection of college professors throughout the United States. The message was posted to the network the night of the lecture in which Wellesley College professor Tony Martin outlined the oppressive structure of the African slave trade. The computer mailbox address indicated that the writer is a Jewish professor at Mount Holyoke College in Massachusetts who attended the event:
" Shalom all. I am still shaking right now....I just walked in the door....I know with the Hillel here we are together in a great community -- working on a response to the disgusting events of tonight...but for now I am asking all of you for a response. Learn to operate AK-47, and have good supply of ammunition, so you will be ready when they come to kill us....
And how do we stop these anti-semites from speaking? I doubt there is a way to stop them from speaking. They are more numerous and more prepared to use raw brute force. Even if you could take them to court and win an injuction against these bastards, it will just be seized upon by the rest of the blacks as further evidence of a Jewish conspiracy against blacks."
According to campus police, the gathering, sponsored by the Black student organization, was completely peaceful and the participants were law-abiding. Martin is the author of thirteen books and numerous articles and is the world's foremost expert on the Marcus Garvey movement. According to sources, Professor Martin was immediately informed of the threat but would not comment on security operations.
Jew Stalks Black professor
Russian-Jewish stalker claiming to be "on a mission" threatened to attack Professor Tony Martin at his Wellesley College office. Martin, whose best-selling book The Jewish Onslaught examines the role of organized Jewry in a slanderous attack on Afrocentricity, was unharmed and not present during the April 21 incident.
A "profusely sweating" Alexander Nechaevsky, 34, told campus police that after viewing a televised lecture by Dr. Martin he found him to be "rude and a racist" and came to "confront" him about his views. In the lecture Martin outlined the Jewish origin of the Hamitic Myth which claims that Black humans are cursed black by God and which provided justification for the African slave trade.
Nechaevsky ranted that "he was not a Jewish wimp and that he was from Russia where they know how to handle things." He then conversed at length with a Jewish professor who has led the campus onslaught against Martin.
Martin said that he is not surprised at the attack. "Part of the Jewish onslaught against Black thinkers is to create an atmosphere of intolerance which leads to violent confrontations."
Police ejected Nechaevsky and banned him from Wellesley College property. Later, Martin's office received telephone threats saying that "Tony Martin better watch his step."
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